Same data, different perspectives: what is at stake? Response to Savin-Williams and Joyner (2014a)

Sexual Orientation Identity Mobility in the United Kingdom: A Research Note

Sexual identity is fluid. But just how fluid is it? How does such fluidity vary across demographic groups? How do mainstream measures fare in capturing the fluidity? In analyzing data from the United Kingdom Household Longitudinal Study (N = 22,673 individuals, each observed twice), this research note provides new, population-wide evidence of sexual identity mobility-change and continuity in individuals' sexual orientation identification-in the United Kingdom. Overall, 6.6% of the respondents changed their sexual identity reports between 2011-2013 and 2017-2019. Sexual identity mobility follows a convex pattern over the life course, with higher mobility rates at the two ends than in the middle of the age spectrum. Sexual identity mobility is more prevalent among women, ethnic minority individuals, and the less educated. Changes in people's self-reported sexual identity are closely associated with changes in their partnership status and partner's sex. However, inferring individuals' sexual identity from their partner's sex substantially underestimates the degree of sexual fluidity compared with people's self-reported sexual identity. Our findings encourage researchers and data collectors to fully examine sexual identity mobility and consider its implications for measuring sexual identity.

Sexualities and Geographic Mobility Between Childhood and Adulthood in the United States

Though research suggests that sexual minorities (e.g., nonheterosexual individuals) are more geographically mobile in the transition to adulthood than their heterosexual counterparts, quantitative estimates are rare and previously used data sources have significant limitations. Using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (N = 11,705) that directly measure sexualities across dimensions (i.e., identity, behavior, and attraction), I examine variation in geographic mobility between childhood (ages 11-17) and adulthood (ages 26-34) across various sexualities (e.g., gay/lesbian and bisexual). Three findings emerge. First, mobility varies across sexualities. Individuals with gay/lesbian identity, same-sex behavior, and same-sex attraction are more geographically mobile than individuals with heterosexual identity, different-sex behavior, and different-sex attraction, respectively. By contrast, individuals with bisexual identity, both-sex behavior, and both-sex attraction tend to be statistically indistinct from individuals with heterosexual identity, different-sex behavior, and different-sex attraction, respectively. Second, mobility differences are largest and most prevalent when sexualities are operationalized according to identity. Third, evidence suggests that the effects of gay/lesbian identity, same-sex behavior, and same-sex attraction on mobility are larger for men than for women. In providing the first quantitative estimates of geographic mobility differences across broader sexual minority and heterosexual populations, this study expands inquiry related to sexualities and mobility.

Fraternal Birth Order, Only-Child Status, and Sibling Sex Ratio Related to Sexual Orientation in the Add Health Data: A Re-analysis and Extended Findings

The fraternal birth order (FBO) effect related to men's sexual orientation refers to the finding that the number of older brothers that a man has increases his chance of being androphilic. The FBO effect has generally been well replicated in diverse samples; one instance of non-replication was by Francis (2008) using Waves I and III of the Add Health data. We attempted to replicate the FBO effect in the Add Health data taking into account family size and other limitations of Francis' (2008) analyses. Also, we examined other sibling characteristics related to the FBO effect: sibling sex ratio and only-child status. We used two subsamples from Waves I (n = 20,745) and IV (n = 15,701) of the Add Health data, consisting of adolescents who were followed longitudinally from 1994 to 1995 until 2008. Wave I data were used to compute numbers of younger and older brothers and sisters from household roster information. Wave IV information about sexual orientation identity was used. Analyses were conducted within men and within women. We found modest support for the FBO effect in men, but not in women, using the older brother odds ratio, logistic regression analyses, and sibling sex ratio, which provided the strongest support for FBO. We found that gynephilic/biphilic women, but not androphilic/biphilic men, were more likely to be only-children compared to androphilic women and gynephilic men, respectively. We discuss limitations of the Add Health data and purported mechanisms for the FBO effect in men and the only-child effect in women.

Sexual Orientation Trajectories Based on Sexual Attractions, Partners, and Identity: A Longitudinal Investigation From Adolescence Through Young Adulthood Using a U.S. Representative Sample

Defining sexual minority status longitudinally over critical developmental periods is essential for understanding the roots of health disparities. Theory supports multidimensional continuums, but current research often examines single measures of sexual activity, sexual attractions, or self-labeled identity separately. Here, a new typology of longitudinal latent classes describes dynamic multidimensional processes continuing from late adolescence (ages 16 to 18) through the late 20s. Using Add Health data (N = 6,864), longitudinal latent class analysis (LLCA), a person-centered approach, showed significant differences between the orientation experiences of males and females (invariance tests led to stratification by sex). The male LLCA model predicted four classes: straight males (87.4%), minimal sexual expression males (6.5%), mostly straight and bi males (3.8%), and emerging gay males (2.4%). The female LLCA model predicted five classes: straight females (73.8%), minimal sexual expression females (7%), mostly straight discontinuous females (10.2%), emerging bi females (7.5%), and emerging lesbian females (1.5%). Some classes represent generally consistent indicators across dimensions over time, while other classes describe more emerging or discontinuous trajectories. Substantial changes were common not only from late adolescence to the early 20s but also from the early 20s to the late 20s, indicating that sexual orientation development continues throughout emerging adulthood.

Sexual Identity and Behavior Among U.S. High School Students, 2005-2015

Sexual orientation is a multidimensional construct which is increasingly recognized as an important demographic characteristic in population health research. For this study, weighted Youth Risk Behavior Survey data were pooled across 47 jurisdictions biennially from 2005 to 2015, resulting in a national sample of 98 jurisdiction-years (344,815 students). Respondents were a median of 15.5 years, 49.9% male, and 48.8% White. Sexual identity and behavior trends from 2005 to 2015 were assessed with logistic regression analysis. Overall, 13.9% of females and 7.0% of males identified as lesbian, gay, bisexual (LGB), or not sure, while 9.1% of females and 4.2% of males indicated both same-and-different-sex behavior or same-sex behavior. In total, 17.0% of female and 8.5% of male youth reported non-heterosexual (LGB or not sure) sexual identity, same-sex sexual behavior, or both. LGB youth were approximately twice as likely as other youth to report lifetime sexual behavior. White and Asian youth were less likely to report non-heterosexual identity and/or have engaged in same-sex sexual behaviors than youth of other races/ethnicities. Prevalence of non-heterosexual identities increased over time for both sexes, but only female youth reported significantly more same-sex behavior over time. This is the first study to simultaneously assess adolescent sexual identity and behavior over time within a national dataset. These findings are critical for understanding the sexual health needs of adolescents and for informing sexual health policy and practice.

Have Mischievous Responders Misidentified Sexual Minority Youth Disparities in the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health?

The National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (Add Health) has been instrumental in identifying sexual minority youth health disparities. Recent commentary suggested that some Wave 1 youth responders, especially males, intentionally mismarked same-sex attraction and, as a result, published reports of health disparities from these data may be suspect. We use two recently developed approaches to identify "jokesters" and mischievous responding and apply them to the Add Health data. First, we show that Wave 1 same-sex attracted youth, including those who later reported completely heterosexual identities in adulthood, were no more likely than different-sex attracted youth and consistently heterosexual participants to be "jokesters." Second, after accounting for mischievous responses, we replicated six previously established disparities: depressive symptoms, suicidal ideation and behaviors, alcohol use, cocaine use, parental satisfaction, and school connectedness. Accounting for mischievousness resulted in the elimination of one observed disparity between heterosexual and sexual minority youth: suicidal ideation for males who reported romantic attraction to both sexes. Results also showed that accounting for mischievous responding may underestimate disparities for sexual minority youth, particularly females. Overall, results presented here support previous studies that identified health disparities among sexual minority youth using these data.

Pubertal Stress and Nutrition and their Association with Sexual Orientation and Height in the Add Health Data

A number of studies have indicated that gay men tend to be shorter, on average, than heterosexual men. Less evidence exists that lesbian women are taller, on average, than heterosexual women. The most popular explanation of the association between sexual orientation and height involves prenatal factors, such that, for example, gay men may have been exposed to lower than typical androgens during fetal development, which impacts their height and sexual orientation as adults. An alternative explanation involves stress, given that stress has been associated with sexual minority identification and with lower height. Another alternative explanation involves nutrition, although its relationship is less clear with sexual minority identification. Using the Add Health data, which is a large, nationally representative and longitudinal sample of American adolescents (n = 14,786), we tested a mediation model, such that sexual orientation → pubertal stress/nutrition → height. Within men, we found that gay men (n = 126) were shorter, on average, than heterosexual men (n = 6412). None of the 24 pubertal stress-related and 15 pubertal nutrition-related variables assessed in the Add Health data mediated the relationship between sexual orientation and height in men. Within women, lesbians (n = 75) did not differ significantly in stature compared to heterosexual women (n = 6267). Thus, prenatal mechanisms (e.g., hormones, maternal immune response) are likely better candidates for explaining the height difference between gay men and heterosexual men.

Sexual (Minority) Trajectories, Mental Health, and Alcohol Use: A Longitudinal Study of Youth as They Transition to Adulthood

Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer/questioning youth health disparities are well documented; however, study limitations restrict our understanding of how the temporal interplay among domains of sexuality (attraction, behavior, and identity) situate individuals to be more or less at risk for poor mental health and alcohol use across the transition to adulthood. Four waves of data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (n = 12,679; 51.29 % female) were used with repeated measures latent class analysis to estimate sexual trajectory groups designated by prospective reports of romantic attraction, sexual/romantic behavior, and sexual identity from adolescence to adulthood. Five unique trajectories emerged: two heterosexual groups (heterosexual early daters [58.37 %] and heterosexual later daters [29.83 %]) and three sexual minority groups (heteroflexible [6.44 %], later bisexually identified [3.32 %], and LG[B] identified [2.03 %]). These sexual trajectories differentiate risk for depressive symptomology, suicidal thoughts and behaviors, and alcohol use during adolescence and early adulthood. Groups where individuals first reported same-sex attraction and sexual minority identities in adulthood (heteroflexible and later bisexually identified) had similar levels of depression, suicidality, and greater substance use than those who largely reported same-sex attraction and behavior during adolescence (the LG[B] identified group). These later recognition groups showed greater risk for poor outcomes in waves where they also first reported these changes in attraction, behaviors, and identities. The emergence of three sexual minority groups reveal within-group differences in sexuality and sexual trajectories and how these experiences relate to risk and timing of risk across the transition to adulthood.