Do verbal reminders improve preschoolers’ prospective memory performance? It depends on age and individual differences

Staying and Returning dynamics of young children's attention

In this paper, we decompose selective sustained attending behavior into components of continuous attention maintenance and attentional transitions and study how each of these components develops in young children. Our results in two experiments suggest that changes in children's ability to return attention to a target locus after distraction ("Returning") play a crucial role in the development of selective sustained attention between the ages of 3.5-6 years, perhaps to a greater extent than changes in the ability to continuously maintain attention on the target ("Staying"). We further distinguish Returning from the behavior of transitioning attention away from task (i.e., becoming distracted) and investigate the relative contributions of bottom-up and top-down factors on these different types of attentional transitions. Overall, these results (a) suggest the importance of understanding the cognitive process of transitioning attention for understanding selective sustained attention and its development, (b) provide an empirical paradigm within which to study this process, and (c) begin to characterize basic features of this process, namely its development and its relative dependence on top-down and bottom-up influences on attention. RESEARCH HIGHLIGHTS: Young children exhibited an endogenously ability, Returning, to preferentially transition attention to task-relevant information over task-irrelevant information. Selective sustained attention and its development were decomposed into Returning and Staying, or task-selective attention maintenance, using novel eye-tracking-based measures. Returning improved between the ages of 3.5-6 years, to a greater extent than Staying. Improvements in Returning supported improvements in selective sustained attention between these ages.

Improving children's ability to remember intentions: a literature review on strategies to improve prospective memory during childhood

Children often fail to remember executing intentions because prospective memory (PM) does not completely develop until late adolescence or young adulthood. PM failures are often observed in children and can have negative consequences on their everyday lives. Thus, in the last 50 years, various strategies to support children's PM have been designed and evaluated, such as prompting children to use different encoding modalities, such as verbal, visual, and enacted modalities, or encoding strategies, such as implementation intentions, episodic future thinking (EFT), and performance predictions, as well as providing children with verbal and visual reminders. However, not all these interventions have shown to efficiently enhance PM performance during childhood. The present literature review is aimed at summarizing these interventions and critically examining their effectiveness from a developmental perspective and by considering underlying mechanisms. The type of PM task (event-, time-, and activity-based), cognitive resource demands, and processing overlaps are also considered. Finally, directions for future research and possible applications in everyday life will be discussed.

Habitual prospective memory in preschool children

Habitual prospective memory (PM) refers to situations in which individuals have to remember to perform a future task on a regular and frequent basis. Habitual PM tasks are ubiquitous and the ability to successfully complete these tasks (e.g., remembering to bring your lunch to school every day) is necessary for children as they begin to establish their own independence. The current investigation is the first to explore preschool children's ability to complete this kind of task. At the end of a regular testing session during which children engaged in a variety of unrelated cognitive tasks, participants were instructed to ask for a stamp on their card, which was sitting in a box on the table. Over the course of the first experiment, participants did this 13 times, spanning a time period of several months. The results demonstrated that children initially needed prompting from the experimenter to remember, but with experience, participants were able to retrieve this intention without assistance. Experiment 2 demonstrated that removing the box from participants' line of sight after numerous opportunities to perform the task did not negatively impact performance, although it did make a difference at the outset of this requirement to remember to ask for stamps. Together, these results indicate that with somewhat consistent and repeated practice, preschool children can fairly quickly demonstrate the ability to successfully perform future intentions that are likely to be repeated on numerous occasions.

Outsourcing Memory to External Tools: A Review of 'Intention Offloading'

How do we remember delayed intentions? Three decades of research into prospective memory have provided insight into the cognitive and neural mechanisms involved in this form of memory. However, we depend on more than just our brains to remember intentions. We also use external props and tools such as calendars and diaries, strategically placed objects, and technologies such as smartphone alerts. This is known as 'intention offloading'. Despite the progress in our understanding of brain-based prospective memory, we know much less about the role of intention offloading in individuals' ability to fulfil delayed intentions. Here, we review recent research into intention offloading, with a particular focus on how individuals decide between storing intentions in internal memory versus external reminders. We also review studies investigating how intention offloading changes across the lifespan and how it relates to underlying brain mechanisms. We conclude that intention offloading is highly effective, experimentally tractable, and guided by metacognitive processes. Individuals have systematic biases in their offloading strategies that are stable over time. Evidence also suggests that individual differences and developmental changes in offloading strategies are driven at least in part by metacognitive processes. Therefore, metacognitive interventions could play an important role in promoting individuals' adaptive use of cognitive tools.

Young children's future-oriented reasoning for self and other: Effects of conflict and perspective

Young children reason more adaptively about the future (e.g., predicting preferences and delaying gratification) when they are asked to think about another person's perspective versus their own perspective. An explanation for this "other-over-self" advantage is that in contexts where current (e.g., small reward now) and future (e.g., larger reward later) desires conflict, adopting the perspective of another person provides psychological distance and hence more adaptive decision making by reducing conflict. We tested this hypothesis in 158 preschoolers using a battery of representative future-oriented reasoning tasks (Preferences, Delay of Gratification, Picture Book, and "Spoon") in which we varied the perspective children adopted (self or other) and the level of conflict between current and future desires (high or low). We predicted that perspective and conflict would interact such that children would benefit most from taking the perspective of "other" when conflict was high. Although results did not support this hypothesis, we found significant effects of conflict; children reasoned more optimally on our low-conflict task condition than on our high-conflict task condition, and these differences did not appear to be related to inhibitory control. The effect of conflict was most marked in younger preschoolers, resulting in Age × Conflict interactions on two of our four tasks. An other-over-self advantage (i.e., perspective effect) was detected on the Preferences task only. These results add to the growing body of literature on children's future thinking by showing the important role of conflict (and its interaction with age) in the accuracy with which children reason about the future.

"I'll remember everything no matter what!": The role of metacognitive abilities in the development of young children's prospective memory

Prospective memory (PM), the ability to remember to carry out future intentions, is a critical skill for children's daily activities. Despite this, little is known about young children's awareness of their PM ability (metamemory), how metamemory is affected by PM task difficulty, and how metacognitive abilities might be related to metamemory. The current study examined the effect of task difficulty on children's PM predictions, actual performance, and postdictions and relations among episodic memory metamemory, metacognitive control, and executive functioning. Children aged 4 to 6 years (N = 131) made PM predictions, completed an easy or difficult PM task, and then made PM postdictions. Children also made predictions and postdictions for their performance on an episodic recall task and then completed an independent measure of metacognitive control and two measures of executive function (working memory and inhibition). Results showed that (a) children's PM increased with age and was worse in the difficult PM task condition, (b) PM predictions and postdictions did not increase with age and only PM postdictions were affected by PM task difficulty; (c) children's PM and episodic recall predictions and postdictions were more accurate with age, (d) children's PM postdictions best predicted PM performance, whereas predictions best predicted episodic recall task performance, and (e) children with better metacognitive control had better PM and more accurate PM predictions. These results are discussed in terms of young children's optimism surrounding their memory performance and the emergence of early metacognitive abilities.

Contribution of Executive Functions to Learning Sequential Actions in Young Children

This study examined whether executive functions impact how flexibly children represent task context in performing repeated sequential actions. Japanese children in Experiments 1 (N = 52; 3-6 years) and 2 (N = 50, 4-6 years) performed sequential actions repeatedly; one group received reminders. Experiment 1 indicated that reminders promote flexible changes in contextual representations. Experiment 2 observed such effects in younger children and showed executive functions were associated with the flexible representation of task context. Reminders did not perfectly compensate for the role of executive functions but wiped out individual differences in executive functions that contribute to children's acquisition of routines. Therefore, setting goals before context-dependent actions is necessary, but not sufficient, to modulate contextual representations in routines.

A hidden Markov model for analyzing eye-tracking of moving objects : Case study in a sustained attention paradigm

Eye-tracking provides an opportunity to generate and analyze high-density data relevant to understanding cognition. However, while events in the real world are often dynamic, eye-tracking paradigms are typically limited to assessing gaze toward static objects. In this study, we propose a generative framework, based on a hidden Markov model (HMM), for using eye-tracking data to analyze behavior in the context of multiple moving objects of interest. We apply this framework to analyze data from a recent visual object tracking task paradigm, TrackIt, for studying selective sustained attention in children. Within this paradigm, we present two validation experiments to show that the HMM provides a viable approach to studying eye-tracking data with moving stimuli, and to illustrate the benefits of the HMM approach over some more naive possible approaches. The first experiment utilizes a novel 'supervised' variant of TrackIt, while the second compares directly with judgments made by human coders using data from the original TrackIt task. Our results suggest that the HMM-based method provides a robust analysis of eye-tracking data with moving stimuli, both for adults and for children as young as 3.5-6 years old.

Children Devise and Selectively Use Tools to Offload Cognition

From maps sketched in sand to supercomputing software, humans ubiquitously enhance cognitive performance by creating and using artifacts that bear mental load [1-5]. This extension of information processing into the environment has taken center stage in debates about the nature of cognition in humans and other animals [6-9]. How does the human mind acquire such strategies? In two experiments, we investigated the developmental origins of cognitive offloading in 150 children aged between 4 and 11 years. We created a memory task in which children were required to recall the location of hidden targets. In one experiment, participants were provided with a pre-specified cognitive offloading opportunity: an option to mark the target locations with tokens during the hiding period. Even 4-year-old children quickly adopted this external strategy and, in line with a metacognitive account, children across ages offloaded more often when the task was more difficult. In a second experiment, we provided children with the means to devise their own cognitive offloading strategy. Very few younger children spontaneously devised a solution, but by ages 10 and 11, nearly all did so. In a follow-up test phase, a simple prompt greatly increased the rate at which the younger children devised an offloading strategy. These findings suggest that sensitivity to the difficulties of thinking arises early in development and improves throughout the early school years, with children learning to modify the world around them to compensate for their cognitive limits.

Reinforcing the prospective remembering of children with autism spectrum disorder

Prospective memory is remembering to carry out a behavior on a particular occasion or at a specific time in the future. This form of remembering is critical for the daily functioning of children with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) and their functional independence from caregivers. We used a single-subject design to investigate whether reinforcement increased the accuracy of prospective remembering in the context of a computerized board game, Virtual Week, of four 6- to 7-year-old children diagnosed with ASD. Reinforcement increased accuracy for all participants compared to baseline performance and effects were maintained after reinforcement was discontinued for three of four children. This is the first study of which we are aware to use a reinforcement-based behavioral intervention to improve the prospective remembering of children with ASD. Limitations and areas for future research are discussed.