Eating Maps: Places, Times, and People in Eating Episodes

Characterizing children's eating patterns: does the choice of eating occasion definition matter?

BACKGROUND

Recommendations to define eating occasions (EO) currently exist for research in adults, but not for children or adolescents. We examined how varying EO definitions affect the characterization of eating patterns in children and adolescents.

METHODS

Cross-sectional dietary data collected using a 24-h recall data during the 2011-12 Australian National Nutrition and Physical Activity Survey (1364 boys and 1337 girls aged 2-18 years) were analyzed. Eight definitions were applied: participant-identified, time-of-day, and 6 neutral definitions (EO separated by 15- or 60-min and/or an additional energy criterion of 21 or 210 kJ). Frequency of and total energy intake from meals, snacks, and all EO were estimated. F tests stratified by gender and age-group, were used to assess differences between definitions. Agreement between definitions of meal and snack frequencies was assessed using intraclass correlation coefficients (ICC). Linear regression was used to estimate the proportion of variance in total energy intake (kJ) and BMI z-score predicted by each definition.

RESULTS

Mean frequencies of meals and snacks differed between the participant-identified and time-of-day definitions, in boys and girls and for all age groups (P < 0.01). Across the six neutral definitions, there were differences between mean frequencies of EO with the largest mean difference observed for children aged 2-3 y (boys: 2.3, girls: 2.5; P < 0.003). Between the participant-identified and time-of-day definitions, there was good agreement for frequencies of snacks (ICC for both genders: 0.93) but not meals (boys: 0.36; girls: 0.38). The 15-min time interval plus 210 kJ definition of an EO consistently predicted the most variance in total energy intake (R2 range = 8.1-34.8). Definitions that delineated meals and snacks better predicted variance in BMI z-score, when compared to the neutral definitions.

CONCLUSIONS

How eating patterns are characterized vary depending on the EO definitions employed, particularly in young children. Variance in total energy intake was best predicted by a variation of the neutral definition whereas definitions that delineated meals and snacks performed better in relation to predicting BMI variance. Further international research that compares EO definitions in children will help inform a standard approach.

Food practices as part of daily routines: A conceptual framework for analysing networks of practices

Current debates about the need to change daily practices to address sustainability or health issues often neglect to recognise that single practices like eating are embedded in daily routines and connected to a multitude of other practices that take place within networks. While connections, such as complexes, bundles or nexuses, are mentioned in extant literature, a clear definition of these categories and their operationalisation for empirical research is missing. This conceptual study aims to fill this gap by proposing an analytical framework for a network of practices that joins multiple authors' concepts and supports empirical analyses that aim to understand the complex intertwining of practices in daily life, as well as the challenges to changing them. Inspired by the concepts of 'zooming in and out' (Nicolini, 2012), we propose several explorative steps to support the operationalisation process. 'Zooming in' at practices aims for a deeper understanding of the performance within single practices, exploring their internal variations, including elements (i.e. material, meanings and competences), as well as spatial (i.e. in and outside), temporal (e.g. hours, days) and social (e.g. alone, with friends) dimensions. 'Zooming out' for connections between practices explores the various connections single practices have to other practices as complexes, bundles and nexuses, as well as the role of 'external' contexts influencing those dynamics. The framework's benefits are illustrated with examples that refer to the practice of eating and its interconnectedness with other food practices, with other daily practices and with external contexts, such as the surrounding food distribution systems. Our contribution is centred on how such an operationalisation may support the analysis of current and past networks of practices but also possible changes in daily practices in the future.

Unhealthy eating practices of city-dwelling Africans in deprived neighbourhoods: Evidence for policy action from Ghana and Kenya

Growing urbanisation in Africa is accompanied by rapid changes in food environments, with potential shifts towards unhealthy food/beverage consumption, including in socio-economically disadvantaged populations. This study investigated how unhealthy food and beverages are embedded in everyday life in deprived areas of two African countries, to identify levers for context relevant policy. Deprived neighbourhoods (Ghana: 2 cities, Kenya: 1 city) were investigated (total = 459 female/male, adolescents/adults aged ≥13 y). A qualitative 24hr dietary recall was used to assess the healthiness of food/beverages in relation to eating practices: time of day and frequency of eating episodes (periodicity), length of eating episodes (tempo), and who people eat with and where (synchronisation). Five measures of the healthiness of food/beverages in relation to promoting a nutrient-rich diet were developed: i. nutrients (energy-dense and nutrient-poor -EDNP/energy-dense and nutrient-rich -EDNR); and ii. unhealthy food types (fried foods, sweet foods, sugar sweetened beverages (SSBs). A structured meal pattern of three main meals a day with limited snacking was evident. There was widespread consumption of unhealthy food/beverages. SSBs were consumed at three-quarters of eating episodes in Kenya (78.5%) and over a third in Ghana (36.2%), with those in Kenya coming primarily from sweet tea/coffee. Consumption of sweet foods peaked at breakfast in both countries. When snacking occurred (more common in Kenya), it was in the afternoon and tended to be accompanied by a SSB. In both countries, fried food was an integral part of all mealtimes, particularly common with the evening meal in Kenya. This includes consumption of nutrient-rich traditional foods/dishes (associated with cultural heritage) that were also energy-dense: (>84% consumed EDNR foods in both countries). The lowest socio-economic groups were more likely to consume unhealthy foods/beverages. Most eating episodes were <30 min (87.1% Ghana; 72.4% Kenya). Families and the home environment were important: >77% of eating episodes were consumed at home and >46% with family, which tended to be energy dense. Eating alone was also common as >42% of eating episodes were taken alone. In these deprived settings, policy action to encourage nutrient-rich diets has the potential to prevent multiple forms of malnutrition, but action is required across several sectors: enhancing financial and physical access to healthier foods that are convenient (can be eaten quickly/alone) through, for example, subsidies and incentives/training for local food vendors. Actions to limit access to unhealthy foods through, for example, fiscal and advertising policies to dis-incentivise unhealthy food consumption and SSBs, especially in Ghana. Introducing or adapting food-based dietary guidelines to incorporate advice on reducing sugar and fat at mealtimes could be accompanied by cooking skills interventions focussing on reducing frying/oil used when preparing meals, including 'traditional' dishes and reducing the sugar content of breakfast.