What about proactive language control?

Dual-tasking while using two languages: Examining the cognitive resource demands of cued and voluntary language production in bilinguals

The way bilinguals switch languages can differ depending on the context. In cued dual-language environments, bilinguals select a language in response to environmental cues (e.g., a monolingual conversation partner). In voluntary dual-language environments, bilinguals communicating with people who speak the same languages can use their languages more freely. The control demands of these types of language-production contexts, and the costs of language switches, have been argued to differ (Adaptive Control Hypothesis). Here, we used a dual-task paradigm to examine how cued and voluntary bilingual production differ in cognitive resources used. Forty Mandarin-English bilinguals completed two language-switching paradigms as the primary task; one in response to cues and one while using two languages freely. At the same time, they also had to respond to the pitch of tones (secondary task). Response times (RTs) on the secondary task, as well as naming times on the primary task, were shorter under the voluntary- than cued-naming condition. Task workload ratings were also higher under the cued- than voluntary-naming condition. This suggests more attentional resources are needed in a cued-naming context to monitor cues and select languages accordingly. However, the costs associated with switching from one language to the other were similar in both voluntary- and cued-naming contexts. Thus, while cued-naming might be more effortful overall, cued and voluntary switching recruited similar levels of cognitive resources.

Mixed-Language Input and Infant Volubility: Friend or Foe?

Language mixing is a common feature of many bilingually-raised children's input. Yet how it is related to their language development remains an open question. The current study investigated mixed-language input indexed by observed (30-second segment) counts and proportions in day-long recordings as well as parent-reported scores, in relation to infant vocal activeness (i.e., volubility) when infants were 10 and 18 months old. Results suggested infants who received a higher score or proportion of mixed input in one-on-one social contexts were less voluble. However, within contexts involving language mixing, infants who heard more words were also the ones who produced more vocalizations. These divergent associations between mixed input and infant vocal development point for a need to better understand the causal factors that drive these associations.

The effect of inhibitory control and language proficiency on intra-sentential switching costs in reading comprehension

Based on the inhibition account and activation account, inhibitory control and language proficiency play big roles on language control mechanisms underlying language switching respectively. But it is still debatable whether inhibitory control and language proficiency play roles in sentential context during bilingual language comprehension, and how and when they work if they both do. The present study examined the specific roles of language proficiency and inhibitory control on modulating intra-sentential switching costs in Chinese-English bilinguals using self-paced reading task. Results indicated that language proficiency and switching direction modulated intra-sentential switching costs significantly. Switching costs were larger when switching into L1 than into L2 for the first two code-switched words due to inhibitory effect, but more costly switching into L2 than into L1 since the third code-switched words owing to the effect of relative language proficiency. During bilingual language processing, inhibition and activation of languages shaped a dynamic interplay of complementary language control processes. Specifically, inhibitory control and language proficiency work as a dynamic continuum in language switching at sentence level. Switching into L1 requires the release of inhibition to L1, but switching into L2 asks the activation and access of L2. The interaction effects of language proficiency and inhibitory control influenced the exertion and components of inhibition. This study reconciled the independent roles of language proficiency and inhibitory control on language switching and constructed a new continuum based on language proficiency.

Proactive and reactive language control in bilingual language production revealed by decoding sustained potentials and electroencephalography oscillations

Adopting highly sensitive multivariate electroencephalography (EEG) and alpha-band decoding analyses, the present study investigated proactive and reactive language control during bilingual language production. In a language-switching task, Chinese-English bilinguals were asked to name pictures based on visually presented cues. EEG and alpha-band decoding accuracy associated with switch and non-switch trials were used as indicators for inhibition over the non-target language. Multivariate EEG decoding analyses showed that the decoding accuracy in L1 but not in L2, was above chance level shortly after cue onset. In addition, alpha-band decoding results showed that the decoding accuracy in L1 rose above chance level in an early time window and a late time window locked to the stimulus. Together, these asymmetric patterns of decoding accuracy indicate that both proactive and reactive attentional control over the dominant L1 are exerted during bilingual word production, with a possibility of overlap between two control mechanisms. We addressed theoretical implications based on these findings for bilingual language control models.

A comparison of language control while switching within versus between languages in younger and older adults

Word retrieval during language production slows down with age. However, bilinguals also require language control to manage language competition, in particular when switching languages to cues. The current study examined how this bilingual language control differs between younger and older adults. It also compared bilingual control, and age-group differences, to control that might be applied when alternating between responses within one language. In Experiment 1, 40 younger and 40 older monolingual adults completed a task alternating between noun and verb responses to pictures. The task showed costs associated with language control but these did not differ between age groups. Experiment 2 was completed by 50 older and 50 younger bilingual adults. Older adults showed larger switching costs than younger adults when switching between and within languages, suggesting they experienced more difficulty with reactive control. However, while older adults showed larger mixing costs than younger adults when using two languages in the dual-language environment relative to the single-language environment, they surprisingly showed smaller mixing costs than younger adults in the noun-verb within-language naming task. These findings show that language control, and the way it differs between older and younger adults, is not the same across within- and bilingual-language competition.

The Effects of Cognitive Control on the Subcomponents of Language Control in Spoken and Written Productions

AIMS

The present study aimed to investigate whether and how the subcomponents of language control during spoken and written productions were modulated by cognitive control.

METHOD

In the current study, unbalanced Chinese-English bilinguals were recruited from a convenience sample at a university to complete the cued language naming task in spoken production and written production, which measured the local language control (as indexed by language switch costs) and the global language control (as indexed by language mixing costs and reversed language dominance effect). In addition, all the participants performed the Simon task, which measured their general inhibitory control ability by calculating the Simon effect, and performed the AX-CPT task to measure their reactive/proactive control preference by calculating their BSI score. All the data were collected using E-prime 2.0 and analyzed in R. Linear mixed-effect model analyses were conducted to reveal the similarities and differences between spoken production and written production for the first-step analysis. Then, the Simon effect and BSI scores were inserted into the mixed-effect models of the switch costs and mixing costs in spoken production and written production, respectively, to explore whether cognitive control can predict the subcomponents of bilingual control.

RESULTS

The results showed similar symmetrical switch costs in spoken and written modalities. In contrast, there was a reversed language dominance effect (in the mixed language context) and asymmetrical mixing costs in spoken production but neither in written production. Furthermore, we found that the Simon effect significantly negatively predicted the L2 mixing costs in spoken production, whereas the BSI score significantly negatively predicted both the L1 and L2 mixing costs in written production.

CONCLUSION

The findings indicated that, for unbalanced bilinguals, local language control is shared between two modalities, while global language control is modality-independent between spoken production and written production. More importantly, the findings also suggested that global language control in spoken production relies more on the individuals' general inhibitory control, while in written production, it relies more on their cognitive control strategy. Global language control in spoken and written productions separately engages specific aspects of cognitive control, which may account for different forms of processing in global language control between speaking and writing.

Inhibitory control of the dominant language: Reversed language dominance is the tip of the iceberg

Theories of speech production have proposed that in contexts where multiple languages are produced, bilinguals inhibit the dominant language with the goal of making both languages equally accessible. This process often overshoots this goal, leading to a surprising pattern: better performance in the nondominant vs. dominant language, or reversed language dominance effects. However, the reliability of this effect in single word production studies with cued language switches has been challenged by a recent meta-analysis. Correcting for errors in this analysis, we find that dominance effects are reliably reduced and reversed during language mixing. Reversed dominance has also consistently been reported in the production of connected speech elicited by reading aloud of mixed language paragraphs. When switching, bilinguals produced translation-equivalent intrusion errors (e.g., saying pero instead of but) more often when intending to produce words in the dominant language. We show this dominant language vulnerability is not exclusive to switching out of the nondominant language and extends to non-switch words, linking connected speech results to patterns first reported in single word studies. Reversed language dominance is a robust phenomenon that reflects the tip of the iceberg of inhibitory control of the dominant language in bilingual language production.

When interlocutor's face-language matching alters: An ERP study on face contexts and bilingual language control in mixed-language picture naming

The present study used event-related potentials (ERP) to examine Chinese-English bilinguals' reactive and proactive language control as they performed mixed-language picture naming with face cues. All participants named pictures in Chinese (first language, L1) and English (second language, L2) across three sessions: a 25% face-language matched session, a baseline session without face cues, and a 75% face-language matched session. Behavioral analyses for reactive language control showed that the asymmetrical switch cost was larger for L2 than L1 in the 25% session and for L1 than L2 in the 75% session. ERP results revealed more negative N2 and LPC during L1 switching in 25% session but enhanced N2 during L2 switching in 75% session. Similar N2 and LPC effect was found during L1 and L2 switching in the baseline context. For proactive language control, the reversed language dominance and enhanced LPC amplitudes during L2 naming were consistent across the three sessions. Our findings suggest that reactive but not proactive language control is modulated by the ever-changing face contexts, which highlights the highly flexible bilingual control systems subserving nonlinguistic cues.

No evidence for a mixing benefit-A registered report of voluntary dialect switching

Previous language production research with bidialectals has provided evidence for similar language control processes as during bilingual language production. In the current study, we aimed to further investigate this claim by examining bidialectals with a voluntary language switching paradigm. Research with bilinguals performing the voluntary language switching paradigm has consistently shown two effects. First, the cost of switching languages, relative to staying in the same language, is similar across the two languages. The second effect is more uniquely connected to voluntary language switching, namely a benefit when performing in mixed language blocks relative to single language blocks, which has been connected to proactive language control. While the bidialectals in this study also showed symmetrical switch costs, no mixing effect was observed. These results could be taken as evidence that bidialectal and bilingual language control are not entirely similar.

Control mechanisms in voluntary versus mandatory language switching: Evidence from ERPs

The present study measured event-related potentials (ERP) and behavioral performance to examine whether inhibitory control is involved in voluntary language switching, and if so, to explore the differences in inhibitory control between voluntary and mandatory language switching. Unbalanced Chinese-English bilinguals completed two picture naming tasks: one involving mandatory language switches and one in which participants could voluntarily switch between the two languages. Behavioral data showed significant switch costs and a reversed language dominance effect in both switching tasks. Critically, both effects were larger in mandatory compared to voluntary switching. ERP results revealed that neural switch costs during mandatory switching was significantly different than voluntary switching in both N2 and LPC amplitudes. In contrast, a significant difference in the reversed language dominance effect between both tasks was only observed in LPC amplitude. Together, these findings suggest the involvement of inhibitory control in both mandatory and voluntary language switching, but the degree of inhibition and the time-course of control processes between both tasks appear to be distinct.

Cross-Task Adaptation Effects of Bilingual Language Control on Cognitive Control: A Dual-Brain EEG Examination of Simultaneous Production and Comprehension

For bilinguals, speaking and listening are assisted by complex control processes including conflict monitoring and inhibition. However, the extent to which these processes adapt to linguistic and situational needs has been examined separately for language production and comprehension. In the present study, we use a dual-EEG to record the carry-over effects of language control on general cognitive control in three language contexts (single-first language [L1], single-second language [L2], and mixed). Chinese learners of English were placed in dyads in which one participant was asked to name pictures while the other listened. Interleaved after each naming/listening trial were flanker trials. The results from picture naming and listening revealed higher delta and theta synchronization in the single-L2 and mixed contexts compared with the single-L1 context and higher theta synchronization in the mixed context compared with the single-L2 and single-L1 contexts. The results from the interleaved flanker trials demonstrated that inhibition was adaptively generalized in the single-L2 and mixed contexts. Altogether, the findings support the natural adaptation of language control to cognitive control and underscore the importance of linguistic context. We argue that these adaptive patterns have the potential to affect corresponding control processes across language and cognitive control tasks.

Phasic pupillary responses reveal differential engagement of attentional control in bilingual spoken language processing

Language processing is cognitively demanding, requiring attentional resources to efficiently select and extract linguistic information as utterances unfold. Previous research has associated changes in pupil size with increased attentional effort. However, it is unknown whether the behavioral ecology of speakers may differentially affect engagement of attentional resources involved in conversation. For bilinguals, such an act potentially involves competing signals in more than one language and how this competition arises may differ across communicative contexts. We examined changes in pupil size during the comprehension of unilingual and codeswitched speech in a richly-characterized bilingual sample. In a visual-world task, participants saw pairs of objects as they heard instructions to select a target image. Instructions were either unilingual or codeswitched from one language to the other. We found that only bilinguals who use each of their languages in separate communicative contexts and who have high attention ability, show differential attention to unilingual and codeswitched speech. Bilinguals for whom codeswitching is common practice process unilingual and codeswitched speech similarly, regardless of attentional skill. Taken together, these results suggest that bilinguals recruit different language control strategies for distinct communicative purposes. The interactional context of language use critically determines attentional control engagement during language processing.

Bilingual Language Control Flexibly Adapts to Cultural Context

How does bilingual language control adapt to the cultural context? We address this question by looking at the pattern of switch cost and reversed language dominance effect, which are suggested to separately reflect reactive and proactive language control mechanisms, in the contexts with culturally-neutral pictures (i. e., baseline context) or culturally-biased pictures (i.e., congruent context where culture matched the language to be spoken or incongruent context where culture mismatched the language to be spoken). Results showed an asymmetric switch cost with larger costs for L2 in the congruent context as compared with the baseline and incongruent contexts, but the reversed language dominance effect was not changed across contexts, suggesting that cultural context plays a critical role in modulating reactive but not proactive language control. These findings reveal the dynamic nature of language control in bilinguals and have important implications for the current models of bilingual language control.

Bilingualism: A Neurocognitive Exercise in Managing Uncertainty

Bilinguals have distinct linguistic experiences relative to monolinguals, stemming from interactions with the environment and the individuals therein. Theories of language control hypothesize that these experiences play a role in adapting the neurocognitive systems responsible for control. Here we posit a potential mechanism for these adaptations, namely that bilinguals face additional language-related uncertainties on top of other ambiguities that regularly occur in language, such as lexical and syntactic competition. When faced with uncertainty in the environment, people adapt internal representations to lessen these uncertainties, which can aid in executive control and decision-making. We overview a cognitive framework on uncertainty, which we extend to language and bilingualism. We then review two "case studies," assessing language-related uncertainty for bilingual contexts using language entropy and network scientific approaches. Overall, we find that there is substantial individual variability in the extent to which people experience language-related uncertainties in their environments, but also regularity across some contexts. This information, in turn, predicts cognitive adaptations associated with language fluency and engagement in proactive cognitive control strategies. These findings suggest that bilinguals adapt to the cumulative language-related uncertainties in the environment. We conclude by suggesting avenues for future research and links with other research domains. Ultimately, a focus on uncertainty will help bridge traditionally separate scientific domains, such as language processing, bilingualism, and decision-making.

Older bilinguals reverse language dominance less than younger bilinguals: Evidence for the inhibitory deficit hypothesis

Inhibitory control is thought to play a key role in how bilinguals switch languages and may decline in aging. We tested these hypotheses by examining age group differences in the reversed language dominance effect-a signature of inhibition of the dominant language that leads bilinguals to name pictures more slowly in the dominant than the nondominant language in mixed-language testing blocks. Twenty-five older and 48 younger Spanish-English bilinguals completed a cued language-switching task. To test if inhibition is applied at the whole-language or lexical level, we first presented one set of pictures repeatedly, then introduced a second list halfway through the experiment. Younger bilinguals exhibited significantly greater reversed language dominance effects than older bilinguals (who exhibited nonsignificant language dominance effects). In younger bilinguals, dominance reversal transferred to, and was even larger in, the second list (compared to the first). The latter result may suggest that inhibition is partially offset by repetition in ways that are not yet fully understood. More generally, these results support the hypotheses that aging impairs inhibitory control of the dominant language, which young bilinguals rely on to switch languages. Additionally, inhibition is applied primarily at the whole-language level, and speculatively, this form of language control may be analogous to nonlinguistic proactive control. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).

Is there proactive inhibitory control during bilingual and bidialectal language production?

The bilingual language control literature generally assumes that cross-language interference resolution relies on inhibition of the non-target language. A similar approach has been taken in the bidialectal language control literature. However, there is little evidence along these lines for proactive language control, which entails a control process that is implemented as an anticipation of any cross-language interference. To further investigate the possibility of proactive inhibitory control, we examined the effect of language variety preparation time, by manipulating the cue-to-stimulus interval, on parallel language activation, by manipulating cognate status. If proactive language control relies on inhibition, one would expect less parallel language activation (i.e., a smaller cognate facilitation effect) with increased proactive inhibitory control (i.e., a long cue-to-stimulus interval). This was not the case with either bilinguals or bidialectals. So, the current study does not provide evidence for proactive inhibitory control during bilingual and bidialectal language production.

Assessing the Evidence for Asymmetrical Switch Costs and Reversed Language Dominance Effects - A Meta-Analysis

Two seemingly counterintuitive phenomena - asymmetrical language switch costs and the reversed language dominance effect - prove to be particularly controversial in the literature on language control. Asymmetrical language switch costs refer to the larger costs for switching into the dominant language compared to switching into the less dominant language, both relative to staying in either one language. The reversed language dominance effect refers to longer reaction times when in the more dominant of the two languages in situations that require frequent language switching (i.e., mixed-language blocks). The asymmetrical language switch costs are commonly taken as an index for processes of transient, reactive inhibitory language control, whereas the reversed language dominance effect is taken as an index for sustained, proactive inhibitory language control. In the present meta-analysis, we set out to establish the empirical evidence for these two phenomena using a Bayesian linear mixed effects modelling approach. Despite the observation of both phenomena in some studies, our results suggest that overall, there is little evidence for the generality and robustness of these two effects, and this holds true even when conditions - such as language proficiency and preparation time manipulations - were included as moderators of these phenomena. We conclude that asymmetrical switch costs and the reversed language dominance effect are important for theory development, but their utility for theory testing is limited due to their lack of robustness and the absence of confirmed moderatory variables.

Is it easier to use one language variety at a time, or mix them? An investigation of voluntary language switching with bidialectals

Previous language production research with bidialectals has provided evidence for similar language control processes as during bilingual language production. In the current study, we aim to further investigate this claim by examining bidialectals with a voluntary language switching paradigm. Research with bilinguals performing the voluntary language switching paradigm has consistently shown two effects. First, the cost of switching languages, relative to staying in the same language, is similar across the two languages. The second effect is more uniquely connected to voluntary language switching, namely a benefit when performing in mixed language blocks relative to single language blocks, which has been connected to proactive language control. If a similar pattern could be observed with bidialectals in a voluntary language switching paradigm, then this would provide additional evidence in favor of similar control processes underlying bidialectal and bilingual language production.

What Cognates Reveal about Default Language Selection in Bilingual Sentence Production

When producing connected speech, bilinguals often select a default-language as the primary force driving the utterance. The present study investigated the cognitive mechanisms underlying default language selection. In three experiments, Spanish-English bilinguals named pictures out of context, or read aloud sentences with a single word replaced by a picture with a cognate (e.g., lemon-limón) or noncognate name (e.g., table-mesa). Cognates speeded naming and significantly reduced switching costs. Critically, cognate effects were not modulated by sentence context. However, switch costs were larger in sentence context, which also exhibited significant language dominance effects, asymmetrical switch costs, and asymmetrical cognate facilitation effects, which were absent or symmetrical respectively in bare picture naming. These results suggest that default-language selection is driven primarily by boosting activation of the default language, not by proactive inhibition of the nondefault language. However, relaxation of proactive control in production of connected speech leads to greater reliance on reactive control to produce language switches relative to out-of-context naming, a contextually driven dynamic tradeoff in language control mechanisms.

Different inhibitory control components predict different levels of language control in bilinguals

In recent years, some studies have started to explore the impact of individual general executive functions (EFs) on bilingual language control. To our knowledge, few studies have systematically examined various components of EFs on different levels of language control in bilinguals. In two experiments, we investigated the effects of two components of IC on different levels of bilingual language control. The language-switching task was used to tap into language control at different levels. The Simon task was used to measure interference suppression in Experiment 1, and a go/no-go task was used to measure response inhibition in Experiment 2. Experiment 1 found that the smaller the Simon effect was, the larger the asymmetry of switch costs was. Experiment 2 found that the shorter the go response time was, the larger the global slowing effect was. Taken together, these findings suggest that the interference suppression component of domain-general IC facilitates local level language control, while response inhibition impacts global level language control in bilinguals.

Cognitive flexibility and parental education differentially predict implicit and explicit racial biases in bilingual children

Prior research has suggested that bilingual children demonstrate reduced social bias relative to their monolingual peers. In particular, they exhibit less implicit bias against racial outgroups. However, the cognitive determinants of racial bias in bilingual children remain unclear. In the current study, relationships between racial bias and three cognitive factors (inhibitory control, cognitive flexibility, and perspective-taking ability), along with language proficiency and parental education, were investigated in a sample of bilingual preschoolers (N = 55). Children were bilingual learners of English and Mandarin. Results demonstrated that implicit bias was predicted by cognitive flexibility, independent of variation in inhibitory control, second language vocabulary, perspective taking, and parental education. In contrast, explicit bias was predicted by parental education alone and not by cognitive or linguistic factors. Findings suggest that increased cognitive flexibility, often thought to be an outgrowth of bilingual experience, may also be associated with a reduction in implicit bias. Findings are discussed in terms of specific mechanisms that may link cognitive factors, bilingualism, and racial bias.

Processing Code-Switches in the Presence of Others: An ERP Study

Code-switching is highly socially constrained. For instance, code-switching is only felicitous when those present are fluent in both languages. This means that bilinguals need to dynamically adjust their language control and expectation of code-switching to the current social situation or context. The aim of the present EEG study was to investigate how and when language control in the comprehension of code-switches is affected by the assumed language knowledge of others in the context. Spanish-English bilinguals read sentences with and without code-switches together with another Spanish-English bilingual or with an English monolingual. Switches elicited an early fronto-central positivity. This effect was smaller overall when a bilingual was present at the start of the study. In addition, the late positive complex found for switches was smaller when a bilingual was present rather than a monolingual, but only for those participants who were sensitive to the other's language knowledge in their off-line judgments. These findings suggest that the bilinguals in our study expected and activated both languages when initially paired with a bilingual and that they more easily accommodated code-switches, in the presence of a bilingual than in the presence of a monolingual. Our findings support the view that language control can be modulated by the perceived language knowledge of others present, and are compatible with a dynamic control model of bilingual language comprehension.

Cognitive control regions are recruited in bilinguals' silent reading of mixed-language paragraphs

When switching languages, bilinguals recruit a language control network that overlaps with brain regions known to support general cognitive control, but it is unclear whether these same regions are recruited in passive comprehension of language switches. Using fMRI with a blocked design, 24 Spanish-English bilinguals silently read 36 paragraphs in which the default language was Spanish or English, and that had either (1) no switches, (2) function word switches or (3) content word switches. Relative to no switches, function switches activated the right IFG, bilateral MFG, and left IPL/SMG. In contrast, switching on content words produced limited neural switching costs observed only in the left IFG. Switching into the dominant language was more costly in the right SMG than switching into the nondominant language, and neural switching costs were correlated with switching costs in the dominant language in cued picture-naming. Seemingly passive reading comprehension involves brain regions known to support cognitive control in active switching during production, possibly reflecting the operation of a modality-general switch mechanism.

The Effect of the Non-task Language When Trilingual People Use Two Languages in a Language Switching Experiment

This study investigated the effect of non-task language in a language switching experiment. Non-task language refers to participants' languages (regardless of proficiency level) that are not used in any trials throughout the experiment. We recruited 60 Tibetan-Chinese-English trilinguals (12th-grade high school students with a median age of 17) to perform a lexical decision (word vs. non-word) task in only two of their languages. We repeated the experiment three times to present each language pair once. In each experiment, the participants were divided into two groups that significantly contrasted with each other in their non-task language while remaining comparable in the two task languages. Response time (RT) and error rate (ER) have been examined to evaluate task performance. The interaction between task performance and the participants' proficiency in the non-task language was also examined. The results showed anull effect of language switching. In addition, the effect of the non-task language was not found. These results were interpreted with reference to the main models of bilingual visual word recognition and the role of orthography specificity.