The reproductive transition in an indigenous population of northern Argentina

Latin America has been registering a fast decrease in fertility rates since the mid-twentieth century. This change can be linked to the modernization process these populations have been undergoing. However, research with Latin American indigenous populations, which are undergoing relatively similar lifestyle changes, shows very different trends in fertility. The aim of this study was to analyze fertility patterns in the indigenous Toba community of Cacique Sombrero Negro, which is experiencing a rapid process of economic and social Westernization. Fertility patterns were analyzed between 1981 and 1999, the period for which the most accurate records were found. Results showed an overall increase in fertility rates and changes in the age of peak fertility across time periods. It is hypothesized that the lifestyle transition this population is experiencing leads to better access to resources that, in the absence of contraception, allow for a higher number of offspring. Nevertheless, this higher resource availability would be differential, affecting mostly the fertility of younger mothers.

Care of adolescent parents and their children

Teen pregnancy and parenting remain an important public health issue in the United States and the world, and many children live with their adolescent parents alone or as part of an extended family. A significant proportion of teen parents reside with their family of origin, significantly affecting the multigenerational family structure. Repeated births to teen parents are also common. This clinical report updates a previous policy statement on care of the adolescent parent and their children and addresses medical and psychosocial risks specific to this population. Challenges unique to teen parents and their children are reviewed, along with suggestions for the pediatrician on models for intervention and care.

Births: preliminary data for 2011

OBJECTIVES

This report presents preliminary data for 2011 on births in the United States. U.S. data on births are shown by age, live-birth order, race, and Hispanic origin of mother. Data on marital status, cesarean delivery, preterm births, and low birthweight are also presented.

METHODS

Data in this report are based on approximately 100% of 2011 births. Records for the few states with less than 100% of records received are weighted to independent control counts of all births received in state vital statistics offices in 2011. Comparisons are made with final 2010 data.

RESULTS

The 2011 preliminary number of U.S. births was 3,953,593, 1% less (or 45,793 fewer) births than in 2010; the general fertility rate (63.2 per 1,000 women aged 15-44) declined to the lowest rate ever reported for the United States. The number of births declined for most race and Hispanic origin groups in 2011, whereas the rate declined only for Hispanic, non-Hispanic black, and American Indian or Alaska Native women. The birth rate for teenagers aged 15-19 fell 8% in 2011 (to 31.3 births per 1,000 teenagers aged 15-19), another record low, with rates declining for younger and older teenagers and for all race and Hispanic origin groups. The birth rates for women in their 20s declined as well, to a historic low for women aged 20-24 (85.3 births per 1,000). The birth rate for women in their early 30s was unchanged in 2011 but rose for women aged 35-39 and 40-44. The birth rate for women in their late 40s was unchanged in 2011. The first birth rate in 2011 (25.4 births per 1,000) was the lowest ever recorded for the United States. The birth rate, the number of births, and the percentage of births to unmarried women declined each for the third consecutive year. The birth rate was 46.1 births per 1,000 unmarried women aged 15-44 and the percentage of births to unmarried women was 40.7. The cesarean delivery rate was 32.8%, unchanged from 2010. The preterm birth rate fell for the fifth straight year in 2011 to 11.72; declines were reported for each of the largest race and Hispanic origin groups. The 2011 low birthweight rate was 8.10%, down slightly from 8.15% in 2010.

Preventing rapid repeat births among latina adolescents: the role of parents

Latina adolescent parents are at increased risk for rapid repeat births (second birth ≤ 24 months after the first), sexually transmitted infections, and negative educational and social outcomes. Although several effective parent-based interventions have been developed to prevent Latino youths' sexual risk taking, little research has explored the development of interventions to prevent repeat births that involve the parents of these adolescents. Existing preventative interventions involving parents suffer from important methodological limitations. Additional research is needed to advance theories of behavior, identify the causal pathways of parental influence, and specify appropriate behavioral targets. Future parent-based interventions to prevent repeat births should target pregnancy intentions, age of partners, contraceptive use, integrated prevention of pregnancies and sexually transmitted infections, educational attainment, and future orientations.

Correlates of contraceptive use among Ghanaian women of reproductive age (15-49 years)

Though fertility in Ghana has declined from an average of 8 children per woman over the past three decades to 4 per woman in recent times, the current rate of population growth is still unmatched by the requisite economic growth. Recent evidence suggests that the use of contraceptives have increased marginally despite the considerable decline in fertility rate. This paper revisits the determinants of contraceptive use among Ghanaian women, aged 15-49 using the 2008 GDHS. Empirically, the logistic and multinomial logistic regressions are used. Our results indicate that wealth status, level of education, ownership of health insurance, number of surviving children, marital status, location and geographical area of residence, religion and women autonomy are significant correlates of contraceptive use in Ghana. The finding reveals that, women who take health decisions jointly with their partners are more likely to use modern contraceptives as compared to women who take health decisions alone.

Births: final data for 2010

OBJECTIVES

This report presents 2010 data on U.S. births according to a wide variety of characteristics. Data are presented for maternal characteristics including age, live-birth order, race and Hispanic origin, marital status, attendant at birth, method of delivery, and infant characteristics (period of gestation, birthweight, and plurality). Birth and fertility rates by age, live-birth order, race and Hispanic origin, and marital status also are presented. Selected data by mother's state of residence are shown, as well as birth rates by age and race of father. Trends in fertility patterns and maternal and infant characteristics are described and interpreted.

METHODS

Descriptive tabulations of data reported on the birth certificates of the 4.0 million births that occurred in 2010 are presented. Denominators for population-based rates are postcensal estimates derived from the U.S. 2010 census.

RESULTS

The number of births declined to 3,999,386 in 2010, 3 percent less than in 2009. The general fertility rate also declined 3 percent, to 64.1 per 1,000 women aged 15-44. The teen birth rate fell 10 percent to 34.2 per 1,000. Birth rates for women in each 5-year age group from 20 through 39 years declined, but the rate for women aged 40-44 continued to rise. The total fertility rate (estimated number of births over a woman's lifetime) was down 4 percent to 1,931 per 1,000 women. The number, rate, and percentage of births to unmarried women declined. The cesarean deliver rate was down for the first year since 1996 to 32.8 percent. The preterm birth rate declines for the fourth year in a row to 11.99 percent; the low birthweight rate was stable at 8.15 percent. The twin birth rate declined slightly to 33.1 per 1,000 births; the triplet and higer-order multipe birth rate dropped 10 percent to 137.6 per 100,000.

Birth rates for U.S. teenagers reach historic lows for all age and ethnic groups

The widespread significant declines in teen childbearing that began after 1991 have strengthened in recent years. The teen birth rate dropped 17 percent from 2007 through 2010, a record low, and 44 percent from 1991. Rates fell across all teen age groups, racial and ethnic groups, and nearly all states. The drop in the U.S. rate has importantly affected the number of births to teenagers. If the 1991 rates had prevailed through the years 1992–2010, there would have been an estimated 3.4 million additional births to teenagers during that period. The impact of strong pregnancy prevention messages directed to teenagers has been credited with the birth rate declines (9–11). Recently released data from the National Survey of Family Growth, conducted by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s (CDC) National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS), have shown increased use of contraception at first initiation of sex and use of dual methods of contraception (that is, condoms and hormonal methods) among sexually active female and male teenagers. These trends may have contributed to the recent birth rate declines (12).

Infectious disease prevalence in Los Angeles county--a comparison to national estimates, 1999-2004 birth rates for U.S. teenagers reach historic lows for all age and ethnic groups

This is the first time seroprevalence of antibody to these nine infectious diseases have been available for LAC. Differences in the race and ethnicity distribution of the United States and LAC were observed. Because disease prevalence varies by race and ethnicity, in some instances these demographic differences affected the population differences seen between the United States and LAC in the seroprevalence of the infectious diseases reported in this study. Seroprevalence for HAV was higher in LAC as compared with the United States among the total population and among the Mexican-American population. California is 1 of 11 states in which routine vaccination of children was recommended in 1999 by the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP) because mean incidence rates in these states were at least twice the national mean from 1987–1997 (9). Seroprevalence to CMV and T. gondii have been shown to be higher among Mexican-American persons then other race and ethnicity groups (1,3). The higher seropositivity for CMV and T. gondii among persons from LAC is due to the higher proportion of Mexican-American persons in the LAC population. No differences in seropositivity were observed when comparing Mexican-American persons in the United States and LAC for these two outcomes. No significant differences in seroprevalence between the United States and LAC were seen for measles, mumps, rubella, varicella, HSV-1, and HSV-2. Estimates of seropositivity from immunization or disease for LAC may assist in policy development, program planning, and measuring health disparities.

Why is the teen birth rate in the United States so high and why does it matter?

Teens in the United States are far more likely to give birth than in any other industrialized country in the world. U.S. teens are two and a half times as likely to give birth as compared to teens in Canada, around four times as likely as teens in Germany or Norway, and almost 10 times as likely as teens in Switzerland. Among more developed countries, Russia has the next highest teen birth rate after the United States, but an American teenage girl is still around 25 percent more likely to give birth than her counterpart in Russia. Moreover, these statistics incorporate the almost 40 percent fall in the teen birth rate that the United States has experienced over the past two decades. Differences across U.S. states are quite dramatic as well. A teenage girl in Mississippi is four times more likely to give birth than a teenage girl in New Hampshire--and 15 times more likely to give birth as a teen compared to a teenage girl in Switzerland. This paper has two overarching goals: understanding why the teen birth rate is so high in the United States and understanding why it matters. Thus, we begin by examining multiple sources of data to put current rates of teen childbearing into the perspective of cross-country comparisons and recent historical context. We examine teen birth rates alongside pregnancy, abortion, and "shotgun" marriage rates as well as the antecedent behaviors of sexual activity and contraceptive use. We seek insights as to why the rate of teen childbearing is so unusually high in the United States as a whole, and in some U.S. states in particular. We argue that explanations that economists have tended to study are unable to account for any sizable share of the variation in teen childbearing rates across place. We describe some recent empirical work demonstrating that variation in income inequality across U.S. states and developed countries can explain a sizable share of the geographic variation in teen childbearing. To the extent that income inequality is associated with a lack of economic opportunity and heightened social marginalization for those at the bottom of the distribution, this empirical finding is potentially consistent with the ideas that other social scientists have been promoting for decades but which have been largely untested with large data sets and standard econometric methods. Our reading of the totality of evidence leads us to conclude that being on a low economic trajectory in life leads many teenage girls to have children while they are young and unmarried and that poor outcomes seen later in life (relative to teens who do not have children) are simply the continuation of the original low economic trajectory. That is, teen childbearing is explained by the low economic trajectory but is not an additional cause of later difficulties in life. Surprisingly, teen birth itself does not appear to have much direct economic consequence. Moreover, no silver bullet such as expanding access to contraception or abstinence education will solve this particular social problem. Our view is that teen childbearing is so high in the United States because of underlying social and economic problems. It reflects a decision among a set of girls to "drop-out" of the economic mainstream; they choose non-marital motherhood at a young age instead of investing in their own economic progress because they feel they have little chance of advancement. This thesis suggests that to address teen childbearing in America will require addressing some difficult social problems: in particular, the perceived and actual lack of economic opportunity among those at the bottom of the economic ladder.

A demographic explanation for the recent rise in European fertility

Between 1998 and 2008 European countries experienced the first continent-wide increase in the period total fertility rate (TFR) since the 1960s. After discussing period and cohort influences on fertility trends, we examine the role of tempo distortions of period fertility and different methods for removing them. We highlight the usefulness of a new indicator: the tempo- and parity-adjusted total fertility rate (TFRp*). This variant of the adjusted total fertility rate proposed by Bongaarts and Feeney also controls for the parity composition of the female population and provides more stable values than the indicators proposed in the past. Finally, we estimate levels and trends in tempo and parity distribution distortions in selected countries in Europe. Our analysis of period and cohort fertility indicators in the Czech Republic, Netherlands, Spain, and Sweden shows that the new adjusted measure gives a remarkable fit with the completed fertility of women in prime childbearing years in a given period, which suggests that it provides an accurate adjustment for tempo and parity composition distortions. Using an expanded dataset for ten countries, we demonstrate that adjusted fertility as measured by TFRp* remained nearly stable since the late 1990s. This finding implies that the recent upturns in the period TFR in Europe are largely explained by a decline in the pace of fertility postponement. Other tempo-adjusted fertility indicators have not indicated such a large role for the diminishing tempo effect in these TFR upturns. As countries proceed through their postponement transitions, tempo effects will decline further and eventually disappear, thus putting continued upward pressure on period fertility. However, such an upward trend may be obscured for a few years by the effects of economic recession.

Births: final data for 2009

OBJECTIVES

This report presents 2009 data on U.S. births according to a wide variety of characteristics. Data are presented for maternal characteristics including age, live-birth order, race and Hispanic origin, marital status, hypertension during pregnancy, attendant at birth, method of delivery, and infant characteristics (period of gestation, birthweight, and plurality). Birth and fertility rates by age, live-birth order, race and Hispanic origin, and marital status also are presented. Selected data by mother's state of residence are shown, as well as birth rates by age and race of father. Trends in fertility patterns and maternal and infant characteristics are described and interpreted.

METHODS

Descriptive tabulations of data reported on the birth certificates of the 4.13 million births that occurred in 2009 are presented. Denominators for population-based rates are postcensal estimates derived from the U.S. 2000 census.

RESULTS

The number of births declined to 4,130,665 in 2009, 3 percent less than in 2008. The general fertility rate declined 3 percent to 66.7 per 1,000 women aged 15-44 years. The teenage birth rate fell 6 percent to 39.1 per 1,000. Birth rates for women in each 5-year age group from 20 through 39 years declined, but the rate for women 40-44 years continued to rise. The total fertility rate (estimated number of births over a woman's lifetime) was down 4 percent to 2,007.0 per 1,000 women. The number and rate of births to unmarried women declined, whereas the percentage of nonmarital births increased slightly to 41.0. The cesarean delivery rate rose again, to 32.9 percent. The preterm birth rate declined to 12.18 percent; the low birthweight rate was stable at 8.16 percent. The twin birth rate increased to 33.2 per 1,000; the triplet and higher-order multiple birth rate rose 4 percent to 153.5 per 100,000.

How high is Hispanic/Mexican fertility in the united states? Immigration and tempo considerations

In this article, I demonstrate that the apparently much higher fertility of Hispanic/Mexican women in the United States is almost exclusively the product of period estimates obtained for immigrant women and that period measures of immigrant fertility suffer from three serious sources of bias that together significantly overstate fertility levels: difficulties in estimating the size of immigrant groups; the tendency for migration to occur at a particular stage in life; and, most importantly, the tendency for women to have a birth soon after migration. When these sources of bias are taken into consideration, the fertility of native Hispanic/Mexican women is very close to replacement level. In addition, the completed fertility of immigrant women in the United States is dramatically lower than the level obtained from period calculations. Findings are consistent with classical theories of immigrant assimilation but are a striking departure from the patterns found in previous studies and published statistics. The main implication is that without a significant change in immigration levels, current projections based on the premise of high Hispanic fertility are likely to considerably exaggerate Hispanic population growth, its impact on the ethno-racial profile of the country, and its potential to counteract population aging.

Recent decline in births in the United States, 2007-2009

From 2007 through 2009, birth rates for women aged 15-44 (fertility rates) fell for most states and nearly all major population subgroups. Birth rates declined for all women under age 40 with some of the largest decreases for women in their peak childbearing years. Fertility rates dropped for all major racial and Hispanic groups with the largest declines among Hispanic women. Birth rates by live-birth order also fell with the largest declines for third-order births and progressively smaller declines for second- and first-order births. Fertility rates decreased or were unchanged in every state and the District of Columbia with the largest declines among western and southeastern states. The number of births in the United States reached an all-time high of 4,316,233 in 2007, but that number has since fallen. From 2007 through 2009, births fell 4 percent to 4,131,019; and the provisional count of births through June 2010 indicated continued declines. Fertility rates--which relate the number of births to women aged 15-44 (i.e., the childbearing years)--also fell during this time frame.This report takes a more detailed look at the decline in births from 2007 through 2009 by mother's age, race and ethnicity, birth order, and state. The analysis is based on a comparison of 2007 final and 2009 preliminary birth data from the National Vital Statistics System (NVSS), and are the most current detailed birth data available.

Has East Germany overtaken West Germany? Recent trends in order-specific fertility

Some 20 years after reunification, the contrast between East and West Germany offers a natural experiment for studying the degree of persistence of Communist-era family patterns, the effects of economic change, and fertility postponement. After reunification, period fertility rates plummeted in the former East Germany to record low levels. Since the mid-1990s, however, period fertility rates have been rising in East Germany, in contrast to the nearly constant rates seen in the West. By 2008, the TFR of East Germany had overtaken that of the West. We explore why fertility in East Germany is higher than in West Germany, despite unfavorable economic circumstances in the East. We address this and related questions by (a) presenting an account of the persisting East/West differences in attitudes toward and constraints on childbearing, (b) conducting an order-specific fertility analysis of recent fertility trends, and (c) projecting completed fertility for the recent East and west German cohorts. In addition to using the Human Fertility Database, perinatal statistics allow us to calculate a tempo-corrected TFR for East and West Germany.

Home-grown slaves: women, reproduction, and the abolition of the slave trade, Jamaica 1788-1807

Once the British transatlantic slave trade came under abolitionists' scrutiny in 1788, West Indian slaveholders had to consider alternative methods of obtaining well-needed laborers. This article examines changes in enslaved women's working lives as planters sought to increase birth rates to replenish declining laboring populations. By focusing more on variances in work assignment and degrees of punishment rather than their absence, this article establishes that enslaved women in Jamaica experienced a considerable shift in their work responsibilities and their subjection to discipline as slaveholders sought to capitalize on their abilities to reproduce. Enslaved women's reproductive capabilities were pivotal for slavery and the plantation economy's survival once legal supplies from Africa were discontinued.

Policy experiment in Russia: cash-for-babies and fertility change

Population decline in modern day Russia is alarmingly steep: Russia loses approximately 750 thousand people each year. To combat population decline, the Russian government instituted aggressive pro-natalist policies. The paper evaluates the capacity of new policies to change women's reproductive behavior using a socio-institutionalist theoretical framework, which analyzes the gendered interaction between the states, the labor market, and family. The paper arrives to a disappointing conclusion that while efforts to improve fertility are quite aggressive, new policies do not challenge gendered hierarchies neither in public nor in private spheres, which will further depress fertility rates of Russian women.

Changes in world inequality in length of life: 1970–2000

Previous research has revealed much global convergence over the past several decades in life expectancy at birth and in infant mortality, which are closely linked. But trends in the variance of length of life, and in the variance of length of adult life in particular, are less well understood. I examine life-span inequality in a comprehensive panel of 180 countries observed in 1970 and 2000. Convergence in infant mortality has unambiguously reduced world inequality in total length of life starting from birth, but world inequality in length of adult life has remained largely unchanged. Underlying both of these observations is a growing share of total inequality attributable to between-country variation. Especially among developed countries, the absolute level of between-country inequality has risen over time. The sources of widening inequality in length of life between countries remain unclear, but signs point away from changes in income, leaving patterns of knowledge diffusion as a likely candidate.

Economic recession and fertility in the developed world

This article reviews research on the effects of economic recessions on fertility in the developed world. We study how economic downturns, as measured by various indicators, especially by declining GDP levels, falling consumer confidence, and rising unemployment, were found to affect fertility. We also discuss particular mechanisms through which the recession may have influenced fertility behavior, including the effects of economic uncertainty, falling income, changes in the housing market, and rising enrollment in higher education, and also factors that influence fertility indirectly such as declining marriage rates. Most studies find that fertility tends to be pro-cyclical and often rises and declines with the ups and downs of the business cycle. Usually, these aggregate effects are relatively small (typically, a few percentage points) and of short durations; in addition they often influence especially the timing of childbearing and in most cases do not leave an imprint on cohort fertility levels. Therefore, major long-term fertility shifts often continue seemingly uninterrupted during the recession—including the fertility declines before and during the Great Depression of the 1930s and before and during the oil shock crises of the 1970s. Changes in the opportunity costs of childbearing and fertility behavior during economic downturn vary by sex, age, social status, and number of children; childless young adults are usually most affected. Furthermore, various policies and institutions may modify or even reverse the relationship between recessions and fertility. The first evidence pertaining to the recent recession falls in line with these findings. In most countries, the recession has brought a decline in the number of births and fertility rates, often marking a sharp halt to the previous decade of rising fertility rates.

War rape, natality and genocide

Feminist philosophy can make an important contribution to the field of genocide studies, and issues relating to gender and war are gaining new attention. In this article I trace legal and philosophical analyses of sexual violence against women in war. I analyze the strengths and limitations of the concept of social death—introduced into this field by Claudia Card—for understanding the genocidal features of war rape, and draw on the work of Hannah Arendt to understand the central harm of genocide as an assault on natality. The threat to natality posed by the harms of rape, forced pregnancy and forced maternity lie in the potential expulsion from the public world of certain groups—including women who are victims, members of the 'enemy' group, and children born of forced birth.

Fertility decline in rural China: a comparative analysis

Many models have been proposed to explain both the rapidity of China's fertility decline after the 1960s and the differential timing of the decline in different places. In particular, scholars argue over whether deliberate policies of fertility control, institutional changes, or general modernization factors contribute most to changes in fertility behavior. Here the authors adopt an ethnographically grounded behavioral-institutional approach to analyze qualitative and quantitative data from three different rural settings: Xiaoshan County in Zhejiang (East China), Ci County in Hebei, (North China), and Yingde County in Guangdong (South China). The authors show that no one set of factors explain differential timing by a combination of differences in social-cultural environments (e.g. spread of education, reproductive ideologies, and gender relations) and politico-economic conditions (e.g. economic development, birth planning campaigns, and collective systems of labor organization) during the early phases of the fertility decline.

Persistence of high fertility in tropical Africa: the case of the Democratic Republic of the Congo

The article explores how geography, history, and society have shaped childbearing behaviors over the last half-century, and how they are now being reshaped by modernity and the exigencies of urban life, in the democratic Republic of the Congo. The decline of prolonged postpartum abstinence and involuntary childlessness initially raised fertility to high levels (6–7 children per woman). More recently, socioeconomic differentials in fertility have emerged, suggesting that the country may be entering a phase of fertility decline. A full-blown transition, however, seems still a remote prospect. Supported both by cultural traditions and by economic rationality, Congo's people remain largely convinced of the benefits of many children for their own and their kin's security. While an eventual fertility transition may be taken for granted, the article examines the many hurdles, contradictions, and tensions that will have to be overcome to achieve that outcome.

In high school and pregnant: the importance of educational and fertility expectations for subsequent outcomes

This study uses the High School and Beyond data (1980–1992) to examine the importance of educational and fertility expectations in explaining the achievement gap of adolescent mothers for over 5,500 young women from different socioeconomic backgrounds. Using a non-parametric local propensity score regression, the study finds that the economic disadvantage associated with having a child in high school is particularly large in poor socioeconomic environments; however, this disadvantage is a result of preexisting differences in the educational and fertility expectations and is not because of a diminished capacity of the socioeconomic environment to mediate the effect of an unplanned childbirth. The findings suggest that childcare assistance and other policies designed to alleviate the burden of child rearing for young mothers of low means may not produce the desired improvement in their subsequent educational and labor market outcomes. A much earlier policy intervention with a focus on fostering young women's outlook for the future is needed.

Between reforms and birth rates: Germany, Japan, and family policy discourse

This paper examines the development of employment-oriented family policy in Germany and Japan, two countries united by conservative welfare legacies and very low birthrates, through a close analysis of discourse. Why have recent reforms in Germany moved well beyond those in Japan despite remarkably similar “human capital” discourses? The relative strength of interpretative patterns—in this case, discursive patterns that successfully frame family policy reform as an economic imperative—and the role of employers are identified as critical explanatory factors. Further comparative attention is called to the role of the state as a guarantor of new family policy entitlements.