The Effect of Intuitive Advice Justification on Advice Taking

A meta-analysis of the weight of advice in decision-making

The degree to which people take advice, and the factors that influence advice-taking, are of broad interest to laypersons, professionals, and policy-makers. This meta-analysis on 346 effect sizes from 129 independent datasets (N = 17, 296) assessed the weight of advice in the judge-advisor system paradigm, as well as the influence of sample and task characteristics. Information about the advisor(s) that is suggestive of advice quality was the only unique predictor of the overall pooled weight of advice. Individuals adjusted estimates by 32%, 37%, and 48% in response to advisors described in ways that suggest low, neutral, or high quality advice, respectively. This indicates that the benefits of compromise and averaging may be lost if accurate advice is perceived to be low quality, or too much weight is given to inaccurate advice that is perceived to be high quality. When examining the three levels of perceived quality separately, advice-taking was greater for subjective and uncertain estimates, relative to objective estimates, when information about the advisor was neutral in terms of advice quality. Sample characteristics had no effect on advice-taking, thus providing no evidence that age, gender, or individualism influence the weight of advice. The findings contribute to current theoretical debates and provide direction for future research.

Manifestations of wisdom in ancient China: An analysis of the Zhinang Quanji

This study aims to use summarizing content analysis and descriptive analysis to examine features related to wisdom in Zhinang Quanji, a collection of classical Chinese wisdom stories by 17th-century writer Feng Menglong, so as to investigate the real-life manifestations of wisdom of ancient Chinese. The results are as follows: (1) the wisdom of ancient Chinese is mainly manifested in 20 different kinds of events. Among these, the following are the five instances of wisdom that appear most frequently: (a) act resourcefully and calmly as the situation demands to deal with emergencies; (b) assist those in a higher position (especially through admonishment or remonstration); (c) take note of even the finest detail and wisely settle disputes; (d) when in bureaucratic circles, clearly analyze the situation and plan far ahead; and (e) on the battlefield, ascertain the mentality of the enemy force, take them by surprise, and overcome them. (2) A total of 932 wise characters are included in Zhinang Quanji. Here, several characteristics are commonly found, including dominant maleness, numerical minority of persons aged under 18 and above 60, and predominance of characters who possess human wisdom. The current findings can provide a useful framework for understanding the manifestation of wisdom in concrete life contexts, thus helping us to better understand and grasp the meaning and nature of wisdom.

Utility and use of accuracy cues in social learning of crowd preferences

Despite limited information and knowledge, we personally form beliefs about certain properties of objects encountered in our daily life—popularity of a newly released movie, for example. Since such beliefs are prone to error, we often revise our initial beliefs according to the beliefs of others to improve accuracy. Optimal revision requires modulating the degree of accepting others’ beliefs based on various cues for accuracy—number of opinions, for example—such that the more accurate others’ beliefs are, the more we accept them. Although previous studies have shown that such accuracy cues can influence the degree of acceptance during social revision, they primarily investigated problems with ‘factually correct’ answers, and rarely problems with ‘socially correct’ answers. Here we examined which accuracy cues are objectively useful (utility of cues), and how those cues are used (use of cues), in the social revision of people’s beliefs about problems with ‘socially correct’ answers. We asked people to estimate the ‘shared preferences (SPs)’ for sociocultural items, the answers to which are determined by socially aggregated beliefs—how popular an abstract painting will be among a large crowd, for example—and then to revise their initial estimates after being exposed to other people’s estimates about the same items. We considered ‘confidence’, ‘agreement among estimates’, and ‘number of estimates’ as accuracy cues. We found that, while all three cues validly signaled the accuracy of SP estimates, only the ‘number’ cue has a significant utility, but the other cues are much less useful for optimal revision. Nevertheless, people used the cues of ‘agreement’ and their own 'confidence’ to the extent comparable to that of the 'number' cue. Our findings suggest that the utility and use of accuracy cues for problems with ‘socially correct’ answers differ from those with ‘factually correct’ answers, as follows: (i) confidence does not have a significant utility and (ii) but people use their own confidence while ignoring others’ confidence.