Diagnoses of Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) Infection Among Foreign-Born Persons Living in the District of Columbia

Evaluation of Undiagnosed HIV Estimates Computed from the CD4 Depletion Model in a Rural, Medium-low HIV Prevalence State

The CD4 depletion model estimates diagnosis delays by approximating infection date from CD4 T-cell count at diagnosis, and back-calculation can compute the proportion of undiagnosed PLWHA. The model assumes the immigration of PLWHA to the U.S. is negligible and counts as a transmission event, which may be impractical outside high prevalence states. Duration of U.S. residency among foreign-born PLWHA and diagnosis delays were compared. The impact on estimates of undiagnosed PLWHA was tested through simulation with different proportions of foreign-born people assumed to have acquired HIV abroad. In 67% of foreign-born people, the mean (SD) years of delay (9.9 (6.3)) exceeded the duration of U.S. residency (2.0 (1.9)). Additionally, inaccuracies in the estimates for proportions of undiagnosed PLWHA were pronounced when foreign-born people who acquired HIV abroad comprised 30% of diagnoses. The CD4 model inadvertently misclassified some diagnoses as in-state transmission events. Consequently, simulated results demonstrated inaccuracies and unstable calculations.

The Role of Neighborhood Poverty in the Association between Foreign-Born status and HIV Care Continuum Outcomes in Alameda County, California

Foreign-born persons living in the US have an increased risk of exposure to HIV and higher rates of HIV diagnosis (Patel-Larson et al. in Poster presented at the 2007 National HIV Prevention Conference, pp 2-5, 2007; Prosser et al. in JAMA 308:601-607, 2012). Foreign-born persons also tend to live in areas with high concentration of immigrants and more often neighborhoods of high poverty, for at least some time (Jargowsky in J Ethn Migr Stud 35:1129-1151, 2009). Using HIV surveillance data in Alameda County, California, we examined whether the association between immigrant status and the four outcomes on the HIV care cascade (late diagnosis, linkage to care within 30 days of diagnosis, retention in HIV care, and viral load status a year after diagnosis) differed by census tract poverty level. We used generalized estimating equations (GEE) adjusted for sex at birth, age, race, and transmission mode. Of 1235 individuals with HIV diagnosis reported between 2011 and 2016, 29% were foreign-born. Foreign-born status was significantly associated with late HIV diagnosis but not with linkage, retention in care, and achievement of undetectable viral load a year after diagnosis. Neighborhood poverty modified the association between immigrant status and retention in care, but not late diagnosis, linkage or viral load status. Our findings suggest that neighborhood resources may buffer against disparities in retention. Thus, immigrants in poorer neighborhoods may require more support to stay in care.

A Community-Based Participatory Approach to Understanding HIV/AIDS in the Ethiopian Community

The rate of HIV/AIDS in Washington, D.C remains at epidemic levels and is most prevalent in the black community, with foreign-born blacks accounting for an increasing proportion of HIV infections in the Washington DC area. The Ethiopian community is among the subgroups that are especially impacted by HIV/AIDS. Yet, seldom does research on the epidemiology of HIV/AIDS break data into diverse subgroups, accounting for the distinct needs based on cultural or ethnic differences. This paper reports on the qualitative findings from a community participatory action research study that involved interviewing 60 Ethiopian-immigrants and nine community-based providers about their attitudes toward HIV/AIDS, and to elicit their ideas about how to improve HIV/AIDS prevention, promotion, and treatment approaches targeting the Ethiopian community. Findings show that stigma remains the largest barrier to accessing HIV/AIDS treatment among Ethiopians in the Washington, D.C. area. Therefore, strategies to reduce HIV/AIDS must address stigmatizing beliefs and be met with cultural sensitivity when developing community prevention and treatment outreach programs designed to reduce HIV/AIDS among Ethiopians.

Differences Between U.S.-Born and Non-U.S.-Born Black Adults Reported with Diagnosed HIV Infection: United States, 2008-2014

Despite improvements in its treatment, HIV infection continues to affect Blacks disproportionally. Using National HIV Surveillance System data from 50 U.S. states and the District of Columbia, we examined demographic and epidemiologic differences between U.S.-born and non-U.S.-born Black adults. Of 110,452 Black adults reported with diagnosed HIV during 2008-2014 with complete country of birth information, 11.1% were non-U.S.-born. Non-U.S.-born were more likely to be older, female, have HIV infection attributed to heterosexual contact, have been diagnosed late, and live in the northeastern U.S. region. During 2014, the HIV diagnosis rate among African-born Black females was 1.4 times the rate of U.S.-born Black males, 2 times the rate of African-born Black males, and 5.3 times the rate of U.S.-born Black females. We elucidate the differences between U.S.-born and non-U.S.-born Blacks on which to base culturally appropriate HIV-prevention programs and policies.

Attitudes, perceptions and behaviours towards HIV testing among African-American and East African immigrant women in Washington, DC: implications for targeted HIV testing promotion and communication strategies

OBJECTIVES

The objective of the study was to examine and compare the HIV testing attitudes, perceptions and behaviours between African-American and East African immigrant women in the Washington, DC metropolitan area.

METHODS

Adopting an inductive, qualitative methodological approach, we conducted a total of 40 in-depth, semistructured interviews between October 2012 and March 2013. Qualitative thematic analysis was used to analyse the data.

RESULTS

Overall, African-American women held more favourable views towards HIV testing than East African immigrant women. Very few East African immigrant women sought HIV testing intentionally. The majority of East African participants were tested inadvertently, while others tested for immigration-related or employment-related purposes. There were many barriers that impede women from seeking an HIV test including negative assumptions (eg, "Getting an HIV test implies that I am HIV positive"), negative emotions (eg, "Fear of being diagnosed with HIV and what this will mean for me") and potential negative reactions from partner or others (eg, "Getting an HIV test can signal distrust, disrespect, or infidelity"). There were nuances in how each group articulated some of these barriers and East African women expressed unique concerns that originated from experiences in their home countries.

CONCLUSIONS

The study shed light into the complexity of factors that constrain women from presenting themselves voluntarily for an HIV test and highlighted the nuances between African-American and East African perceptions. Implications of findings for effective targeted HIV screening promotion and communication strategies among these groups of women are discussed.

"Getting tested is almost like going to the Salem witch trials": discordant discourses between Western public health messages and sociocultural expectations surrounding HIV testing among East African immigrant women

Washington, DC, has the highest AIDS diagnosis rate in the USA, and Black women are disproportionately affected. Although HIV testing is the first entryway into vital treatment services, evidence reveals that foreign-born blacks have a lower rate of recent HIV testing than US-born blacks. To date, however, there are no studies that examine the culture-specific perceptions of HIV testing among East African immigrant women (who comprise a large share of Black Africans in DC) to better understand their potential barriers to testing. Adopting the PEN-3 cultural model as our theoretical framework, the main objective of this study was to examine East African women's HIV testing perceptions and partner communication norms. Between October 2012 and March 2013, trained interviewers conducted a total of 25 interviews with East African women in the Washington, DC, metropolitan area. For triangulation purposes, data collection consisted of both in-depth, semi-structured interviews and cognitive interviews, in which participants were administered a quantitative survey and assessed on how they interpreted items. Qualitative thematic analysis revealed a systematic pattern of discordant responses across participants. While they were aware of messages related to Western public health discourse surrounding HIV testing (e.g., Everyone should get tested for HIV; One should talk to one's spouse about HIV testing), divergent sociocultural expectations rooted in cultural and religious beliefs prevailed (e.g., Getting an HIV test brings shame to the person who got tested and to one's family; it implies one is engaging in immoral behavior; One should not talk with one's spouse about HIV testing; doing so breaks cultural norms). Implications of using a culture-centered model to examine the role of sociocultural expectations in HIV prevention research and to develop culturally responsive prevention strategies are discussed.