Fixations to the eyes aids in facial encoding; covertly attending to the eyes does not

Don't look now! Social elements are harder to avoid during scene viewing

Regions of social importance (i.e., other people) attract attention in real world scenes, but it is unclear how automatic this bias is and how it might interact with other guidance factors. To investigate this, we recorded eye movements while participants were explicitly instructed to avoid looking at one of two objects in a scene (either a person or a non-social object). The results showed that, while participants could follow these instructions, they still made errors (especially on the first saccade). Crucially, there were about twice as many erroneous looks towards the person than there were towards the other object. This indicates that it is hard to suppress the prioritization of social information during scene viewing, with implications for how quickly and automatically this information is perceived and attended to.

Seeing in the dark: High-order visual functions under scotopic conditions

It is unknown how and to what degree people function visually in almost complete darkness, where only rod photoreceptors are active (scotopic conditions). To explore this, we first tested scotopic acuity and crowding. We demonstrated the ∼1° foveal scotoma and found that crowding increases with eccentricity, resulting in optimal scotopic discrimination 2° into the periphery. We then investigated whether these limitations affect high-level foveal tasks. We recorded eye movements while testing reading and upright/inverted face matching under photopic and scotopic conditions. Under scotopic conditions, participants read accurately and showed a face inversion effect. Temporally, fixation durations were longer. Spatially, surprisingly, participants did not avert their gaze 2° into the periphery. Instead, they fixated on similar locations as under photopic conditions, locations that were shown to correlate with global perception. We propose that this result suggests global perception governs under scotopic conditions, and we discuss how receptive-field properties support this conclusion.

The role of the upper and lower face in the recognition of facial identity in dynamic stimuli

Studies with static faces find that upper face halves are more easily recognized than lower face halves-an upper-face advantage. However, faces are usually encountered as dynamic stimuli, and there is evidence that dynamic information influences face identity recognition. This raises the question of whether dynamic faces also show an upper-face advantage. The objective of this study was to examine whether familiarity for recently learned faces was more accurate for upper or lower face halves, and whether this depended upon whether the face was presented as static or dynamic. In Experiment 1, subjects learned a total of 12 faces--6 static images and 6 dynamic video-clips of actors in silent conversation. In experiment 2, subjects learned 12 faces, all dynamic video-clips. During the testing phase of Experiments 1 (between subjects) and 2 (within subjects), subjects were asked to recognize upper and lower face halves from either static images and/or dynamic clips. The data did not provide evidence for a difference in the upper-face advantage between static and dynamic faces. However, in both experiments, we found an upper-face advantage, consistent with prior literature, for female faces, but not for male faces. In conclusion, the use of dynamic stimuli may have little effect on the presence of an upper-face advantage, especially when the static comparison contains a series of static images, rather than a single static image, and is of sufficient image quality. Future studies could investigate the influence of face gender on the presence of an upper-face advantage.

Communicating and reading emotion with masked faces in the Covid era: A short review of the literature

Face masks have proven to be key to slowing down the SARS-Cov2 virus spread in the COVID-19 pandemic context. However, wearing face masks is not devoid of "side-effects", at both the physical and psychosocial levels. In particular, masks hinder emotion reading from facial expressions as they hide a significant part of the face. This disturbs both holistic and featural processing of facial expressions and, therefore, impairs emotion recognition, and influences many aspects of human social behavior. Communication in general is disrupted by face masks, as they modify the wearer's voice and prevent the audience from using lip reading or other non-verbal cues for speech comprehension. Individuals suffering from psychiatric conditions with impairment of communication, are at higher risk of distress because masks increase their difficulties to read emotions from faces. The identification and acknowledgement of these "side-effects" on communication are necessary because they warrant further work on adaptive solutions that will help foster the use of face masks by the greatest number.

[Representation of the oral sphere in medical comics, the child's perception]

Medical comics are a suitable educational tool for paediatric populations. The emotions conveyed by the characters should not evoke negative feelings, which could then be associated with care or caregivers. The eyes and mouth are the first areas of the face to be analysed. One study attempted to assess the ability of children to perceive the emotions of one of the protagonists through the representation of their mouth.

Infrequent faces bias social attention differently in manual and oculomotor measures

Although attention is thought to be spontaneously biased by social cues like faces and eyes, recent data have demonstrated that when extraneous content, context, and task factors are controlled, attentional biasing is abolished in manual responses while still occurring sparingly in oculomotor measures. Here, we investigated how social attentional biasing was affected by face novelty by measuring responses to frequently presented (i.e., those with lower novelty) and infrequently presented (i.e., those with higher novelty) face identities. Using a dot-probe task, participants viewed either the same face and house identity that was frequently presented on half of the trials or sixteen different face and house identities that were infrequently presented on the other half of the trials. A response target occurred with equal probability at the previous location of the eyes or mouth of the face or the top or bottom of the house. Experiment 1 measured manual responses to the target while participants maintained central fixation. Experiment 2 additionally measured participants' natural oculomotor behaviour when their eye movements were not restricted. Across both experiments, no evidence of social attentional biasing was found in manual data. However, in Experiment 2, there was a reliable oculomotor bias towards the eyes of infrequently presented upright faces. Together, these findings suggest that face novelty does not facilitate manual measures of social attention, but it appears to promote spontaneous oculomotor biasing towards the eyes of infrequently presented novel faces.

Automatic gaze to the nose region cannot be inhibited during observation of facial expression in Eastern observers

Humans can extract a great deal of information about others very quickly. This is partly because the face automatically captures observers' attention. Specifically, the eyes can attract overt attention. Although it has been reported that not only the eyes but also the nose can capture initial oculomotor movement in Eastern observers, its generalizability remains unknown. In this study, we applied the "don't look" paradigm wherein participants are asked not to fixate on a specific facial region (i.e., eyes, nose, and mouth) during an emotion recognition task with upright (Experiment 1) and inverted (Experiment 2) faces. In both experiments, we found that participants were less able to inhibit the initial part of their fixations to the nose, which can be interpreted as the nose automatically capturing attention. Along with previous studies, our overt attention tends to be attracted by a part of the face, which is the nose region in Easterner observers.

Social modulation of on-screen looking behaviour

While passive social information (e.g. pictures of people) routinely draws one's eyes, our willingness to look at live others is more nuanced. People tend not to stare at strangers and will modify their gaze behaviour to avoid sending undesirable social signals; yet they often continue to monitor others covertly "out of the corner of their eyes." What this means for looks that are being made near to live others is unknown. Will the eyes be drawn towards the other person, or pushed away? We evaluate changes in two elements of gaze control: image-independent principles guiding how people look (e.g. biases to make eye movements along the cardinal directions) and image-dependent principles guiding what people look at (e.g. a preference for meaningful content within a scene). Participants were asked to freely view semantically unstructured (fractals) and semantically structured (rotated landscape) images, half of which were located in the space near to a live other. We found that eye movements were horizontally displaced away from a visible other starting at 1032 ms after stimulus onset when fractals but not landscapes were viewed. We suggest that the avoidance of looking towards live others extends to the near space around them, at least in the absence of semantically meaningful gaze targets.

How does gaze to faces support face-to-face interaction? A review and perspective

Gaze-where one looks, how long, and when-plays an essential part in human social behavior. While many aspects of social gaze have been reviewed, there is no comprehensive review or theoretical framework that describes how gaze to faces supports face-to-face interaction. In this review, I address the following questions: (1) When does gaze need to be allocated to a particular region of a face in order to provide the relevant information for successful interaction; (2) How do humans look at other people, and faces in particular, regardless of whether gaze needs to be directed at a particular region to acquire the relevant visual information; (3) How does gaze support the regulation of interaction? The work reviewed spans psychophysical research, observational research, and eye-tracking research in both lab-based and interactive contexts. Based on the literature overview, I sketch a framework for future research based on dynamic systems theory. The framework holds that gaze should be investigated in relation to sub-states of the interaction, encompassing sub-states of the interactors, the content of the interaction as well as the interactive context. The relevant sub-states for understanding gaze in interaction vary over different timescales from microgenesis to ontogenesis and phylogenesis. The framework has important implications for vision science, psychopathology, developmental science, and social robotics.

Eastern observers cannot inhibit their gaze to eye and nose regions in face perception

It has been found that Western observers cannot inhibit their gaze to the eye region, even if they are told to avoid doing so when they observe face stimuli because of the importance of the eye region. However, studies indicate that the nose region is more important for face processing among Eastern observers. We used the "don't look" paradigm with Eastern observers, in which participants were told to avoid fixating on a specific region (eye, nose, and mouth). The results extend previous findings as both the eye and nose regions attracted their gaze. Interestingly, the fixation behaviors differed for the eyes and nose in terms of the time-dependent view, in which reflexive saccades to the eye with a persistent fixation to the nose were observed. The nose regions could have stronger attractiveness than previously thought.

Contextually-Based Social Attention Diverges across Covert and Overt Measures

Humans spontaneously attend to social cues like faces and eyes. However, recent data show that this behavior is significantly weakened when visual content, such as luminance and configuration of internal features, as well as visual context, such as background and facial expression, are controlled. Here, we investigated attentional biasing elicited in response to information presented within appropriate background contexts. Using a dot-probe task, participants were presented with a face-house cue pair, with a person sitting in a room and a house positioned within a picture hanging on a wall. A response target occurred at the previous location of the eyes, mouth, top of the house, or bottom of the house. Experiment 1 measured covert attention by assessing manual responses while participants maintained central fixation. Experiment 2 measured overt attention by assessing eye movements using an eye tracker. The data from both experiments indicated no evidence of spontaneous attentional biasing towards faces or facial features in manual responses; however, an infrequent, though reliable, overt bias towards the eyes of faces emerged. Together, these findings suggest that contextually-based social information does not determine spontaneous social attentional biasing in manual measures, although it may act to facilitate oculomotor behavior.

Attention to the face is characterised by a difficult to inhibit first fixation to the eyes

The eyes are preferentially attended over other facial features and recent evidence suggests this bias is difficult to suppress. To further examine the automatic and volitional nature of this bias for eye information, we used a novel prompting face recognition paradigm in 41 adults and measured the location of their first fixations, overall dwell time and behavioural responses. First, patterns of eye gaze were measured during a free-viewing forced choice face recognition paradigm. Second, the task was repeated but with prompts to look to either the eyes or the mouth. Participants showed significantly more first fixations to the eyes than mouth, both when prompted to look at the eyes and when prompted to look at the mouth. The pattern of looking to the eyes when prompted was indistinguishable from the unprompted condition in which participants were free to look where they chose. Notably, the dwell time data demonstrated that the eye bias did not persist over the entire presentation period. Our results suggest a difficult-to-inhibit bias to initially orient to the eyes, which is superseded by volitional, top-down control of eye gaze. Further, the amount of looking to the eyes is at a maximum level spontaneously and cannot be enhanced by explicit instructions.

Sad people are more accurate at expression identification with a smaller own-ethnicity bias than happy people

Sad individuals are more accurate at face identity recognition, possibly because they scan more of the face during encoding. During expression identification tasks, sad individuals do not fixate on the eyes as much as happier individuals. Fixating on features other than the eyes leads to a reduced own-ethnicity bias. This background indicates that sad individuals would not view the eyes as much as happy individuals, and this would result in improved expression recognition and reduced own-ethnicity bias. This prediction was tested using an expression identification task with eye tracking. We demonstrate that sad-induced participants show enhanced expression recognition and a reduced own-ethnicity bias than happy-induced participants due to scanning more facial features. We conclude that mood affects eye movements and face encoding by causing a wider sampling strategy and deeper encoding of facial features diagnostic for expression identification.