Tone-grammar association within words: Concurrent ERP and fMRI show rapid neural pre-activation and involvement of left inferior frontal gyrus in pseudoword processing

Neurophysiological signatures of prediction in language: A critical review of anticipatory negativities

Recent event-related potential (ERP) studies in language comprehension converge in finding anticipatory negativities preceding words or word segments that can be pre-activated based on either sentence contexts or phonological cues. We review these findings from different paradigms in the light of evidence from other cognitive domains in which slow negative potentials have long been associated with anticipatory processes and discuss their potential underlying mechanisms. We propose that this family of anticipatory negativities captures common mechanisms associated with the pre-activation of linguistic information both within words and within sentences. Future studies could utilize these anticipatory negativities in combination with other, well-established ERPs, to simultaneously track prediction-related processes emerging at different time intervals (before and after the perception of pre-activated input) and with distinct time courses (shorter-lived and longer-lived cognitive operations).

Swift Prosodic Modulation of Lexical Access: Brain Potentials From Three North Germanic Language Varieties

PURPOSE

According to most models of spoken word recognition, listeners probabilistically activate a set of lexical candidates, which is incrementally updated as the speech signal unfolds. Speech carries segmental (speech sound) as well as suprasegmental (prosodic) information. The role of the latter in spoken word recognition is less clear. We investigated how suprasegments (tone and voice quality) in three North Germanic language varieties affected lexical access by scrutinizing temporally fine-grained neurophysiological effects of lexical uncertainty and information gain.

METHOD

Three event-related potential (ERP) studies were reanalyzed. In all varieties investigated, suprasegments are associated with specific word endings. Swedish has two lexical "word accents" realized as pitch falls with different timings across dialects. In Danish, the distinction is in voice quality. We combined pronunciation lexica and frequency lists to calculate estimates of lexical uncertainty about an unfolding word and information gain upon hearing a suprasegmental cue and the segment upon which it manifests. We used single-trial mixed-effects regression models run every 4 ms.

RESULTS

Only lexical uncertainty showed solid results: a frontal effect at 150-400 ms after suprasegmental cue onset and a later posterior effect after 200 ms. While a model including only segmental information mostly performed better, it was outperformed by the suprasegmental model at 200-330 ms at frontal sites.

CONCLUSIONS

The study points to suprasegmental cues contributing to lexical access over and beyond segments after around 200 ms in the North Germanic varieties investigated. Furthermore, the findings indicate that a previously reported "pre-activation negativity" predominantly reflects forward-looking processing.

SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIAL

https://doi.org/10.23641/asha.25016486.

Processing of Grammatical Agreement in the Face of Variation in Lexical Stress: A Mismatch Negativity Study

Previous electroencephalography studies have yielded evidence for automatic processing of syntax and lexical stress. However, these studies looked at both effects in isolation, limiting their generalizability to everyday language comprehension. In the current study, we investigated automatic processing of grammatical agreement in the face of variation in lexical stress. Using an oddball paradigm, we measured the Mismatch Negativity (MMN) in Dutch-speaking participants while they listened to Dutch subject-verb sequences (linguistic context) or acoustically similar sequences in which the subject was replaced by filtered noise (nonlinguistic context). The verb forms differed in the inflectional suffix, rendering the subject-verb sequences grammatically correct or incorrect, and leading to a difference in the stress pattern of the verb forms. We found that the MMNs were modulated in both the linguistic and nonlinguistic condition, suggesting that the processing load induced by variation in lexical stress can hinder early automatic processing of grammatical agreement. However, as the morphological differences between the verb forms correlated with differences in number of syllables, an interpretation in terms of the prosodic structure of the sequences cannot be ruled out. Future research is needed to determine which of these factors (i.e., lexical stress, syllabic structure) most strongly modulate early syntactic processing.

Early neuro-electric indication of lexical match in English spoken-word recognition

We investigated early electrophysiological responses to spoken English words embedded in neutral sentence frames, using a lexical decision paradigm. As words unfold in time, similar-sounding lexical items compete for recognition within 200 milliseconds after word onset. A small number of studies have previously investigated event-related potentials in this time window in English and French, with results differing in direction of effects as well as component scalp distribution. Investigations of spoken-word recognition in Swedish have reported an early left-frontally distributed event-related potential that increases in amplitude as a function of the probability of a successful lexical match as the word unfolds. Results from the present study indicate that the same process may occur in English: we propose that increased certainty of a 'word' response in a lexical decision task is reflected in the amplitude of an early left-anterior brain potential beginning around 150 milliseconds after word onset. This in turn is proposed to be connected to the probabilistically driven activation of possible upcoming word forms.

Cortical thickness and surface area of left anterior temporal areas affects processing of phonological cues to morphosyntax

Lack of methods to experimentally assess the perceptual processing of sound features and allow one to measure differences in phonological proficiency has been a limitation for speech processing studies in native speakers. Tonal features associated with Swedish word-stems, word accents, which cue grammatical suffixes, constitute, however, such sound features that can be exploited to generate measures of reliance on morphosyntactically relevant phonological information during word processing. Specifically, there is a natural variance between native speakers in response time (RT) difference between phonologically valid and invalid word accent-suffix combinations that can be used to quantify perceptual phonological proficiency. This study uses ultra-high field magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) to investigate word accents as phonological cues to morphosyntactic meaning. The study adds to the understanding of the neural basis for both morphosyntactically relevant phonological cues by reporting correlations between differences in listeners' RT for validly and invalidly cued suffixes and cortical thickness in left anterior and middle temporal gyrus, and the left anterior superior temporal sulcus as well as cortical surface area in the left middle and inferior temporal gyri. The cortical areas studied are known constituents of the ventral speech processing stream, necessary for word and phrase recognition.

What Makes Lexical Tone Special: A Reverse Accessing Model for Tonal Speech Perception

Previous studies of tonal speech perception have generally suggested harder or later access to lexical tone than segmental information, but the mechanism underlying the lexical tone disadvantage is unclear. Using a speeded discrimination paradigm free of context information, we confirmed multiple lines of evidence for the lexical tone disadvantage as well as revealed a distinctive advantage of word and atonal syllable judgments over phoneme and lexical tone judgments. The results led us to propose a Reverse Accessing Model (RAM) for tonal speech perception. The RAM is an extension of the influential TRACE model, with two additional processing levels specialized for tonal speech: lexical tone and atonal syllable. Critically, information accessing is assumed to be in reverse order of information processing, and only information at the syllable level and up is maintained active for immediate use. We tested and confirmed the predictions of the RAM on discrimination of each type of phonological component under different stimulus conditions. The current results have thus demonstrated the capability of the RAM as a general framework for tonal speech perception to provide a united account for empirical observations as well as to generate testable predictions.

Associating Psychotic Symptoms with Altered Brain Anatomy in Psychotic Disorders Using Multidimensional Item Response Theory Models

Reduced cortical thickness has been demonstrated in psychotic disorders, but its relationship to clinical symptoms has not been established. We aimed to identify the regions throughout neocortex where clinical psychosis manifestations correlate with cortical thickness. Rather than perform a traditional correlation analysis using total scores on psychiatric rating scales, we applied multidimensional item response theory to identify a profile of psychotic symptoms that was related to a region where cortical thickness was reduced. This analysis was performed using a large population of probands with psychotic disorders (N = 865), their family members (N = 678) and healthy volunteers (N = 347), from the 5-site Bipolar-Schizophrenia Network for Intermediate Phenotypes. Regional cortical thickness from structural magnetic resonance scans was measured using FreeSurfer; individual symptoms were rated using the Positive and Negative Syndrome Scale, Montgomery-Asberg Depression Rating Scale, and Young Mania Rating Scale. A cluster of cortical regions whose thickness was inversely related to severity of psychosis symptoms was identified. The regions turned out to be located contiguously in a large region of heteromodal association cortex including temporal, parietal and frontal lobe regions, suggesting a cluster of contiguous neocortical regions important to psychosis expression. When we tested the relationship between reduced cortical surface area and high psychotic symptoms we found no linked regions describing a related cortical set.

Differentiation between young adult Internet addicts, smokers, and healthy controls by the interaction between impulsivity and temporal lobe thickness

BACKGROUND AND AIMS

Internet addiction is a non-substance-related addiction disorder with progressively growing prevalence. Internet addiction, like substance-related addictions, has been linked with high impulsivity, low inhibitory control, and poor decision-making abilities. Cortical thickness measurements and trait impulsivity have been shown to have a distinct relationship in addicts compared to healthy controls. Thus, we test whether the cortical correlates of trait impulsivity are different in Internet addicts and healthy controls, using an impulsive control group (smokers).

METHODS

Thirty Internet addicts (15 females) and 60 age- and gender-matched controls (30 smokers, all young adults aged 19-28 years) were scanned using a 3T MRI scanner and completed the Barratt Impulsiveness Scale.

RESULTS

Internet addicts had a thinner left superior temporal cortex than controls. Impulsivity had a significant main effect on the left pars orbitalis and bilateral insula, regardless of group membership. We identified divergent relationships between trait impulsivity and thicknesses of the bilateral middle temporal, right superior temporal, left inferior temporal, and left transverse temporal cortices between Internet addicts and healthy controls. Further analysis with smokers revealed that the left middle temporal and left transverse temporal cortical thickness change might be exclusive to Internet addiction.

DISCUSSION

The effects of impulsivity, combined with a long-term exposure to some specific substance or stimuli, might result in different natures of relationships between impulsivity and brain structure when compared to healthy controls.

CONCLUSION

These results may indicate that Internet addiction is similar to substance-related addictions, such that inefficient self-control could result in maladaptive behavior and inability to resist Internet use.

Rapid syntactic pre-activation in Broca's area: Concurrent electrophysiological and haemodynamic recordings

Listeners are constantly trying to predict what the speaker will say next. We concurrently measured the electrophysiological and haemodynamic correlates of syntactic pre-activation, investigating when and where the brain processes speech melody cues to upcoming word order structure. Pre-activation of syntactic structure was reflected in a left-lateralised pre-activation negativity (PrAN), which was subserved by Broca's area in the left inferior frontal gyrus, as well as the contiguous left anterior insula.

Cortical thickness of planum temporale and pars opercularis in native language tone processing

The present study investigated the relationship between linguistic tone processing and cortical thickness of bilateral planum temporale (PT) and pars opercularis of the inferior frontal gyrus (IFGpo). Swedish tones on word stems function as cues to upcoming endings. Correlating structural brain imaging data with participants' response time patterns for suffixes, we found that thicker cortex in the left PT was associated with greater reliance on tones to anticipate upcoming inflections on real words. On inflected pseudoword stems, however, the cortical thickness of left IFGpo was associated with tone-suffix processing. Thus cortical thickness of the left PT might play a role in processing tones as part of stored representations for familiar speech segments, most likely when inflected forms are accessed as whole words. In the absence of stored representations, listeners might need to rely on morphosyntactic rules specifying tone-suffix associations, potentially facilitated by greater cortical thickness of left IFGpo.