The mood-enhancement function of autobiographical memories: Comparisons with other functions in terms of emotional valence

A multilevel factor analysis of the short form of the Centrality of Event Scale

Introduction

The Centrality of Event Scale (CES) has frequently been used to measure the degree to which positive and negative life events are perceived central to a person's identity and life story; and previous research suggests that individuals rate their most positive memory as more central compared to their most negative one. When comparing the centrality of two (or more) memories within individuals, one needs to ensure that the CES (or its short form) is equally valid for different types of events (i.e., positive and negative) as well as on different levels of analyses (i.e., on the between-person and the within-person level), pointing to the issue of measurement invariance.

Methods

Three-hundred sixty-five adults (18-89 years of age) reported up to ten positive and up to ten negative autobiographical memories. For each memory reported, participants completed the seven-item short form of the CES, which measures three different components of centrality: Events can form a central component of identity (two items), a turning point in the life story (three items), and a reference point for everyday inferences (two items).

Results

Based on exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses, we found a two-factor structure (Self-Perception and Life-Course) to fit the data best at both levels of analyses and for both positive and negative events. Strict measurement invariance could be applied for positive and negative events at between-person level and at within-person level. The two factors, which measure the impact of an event on either a person's self-perception or their (future) life course, were rated higher for positive compared to negative memories. This difference, however, was stronger for the self-perception factor.

Discussion

The present study provides a first examination of the factorial structure of the CES short form on two levels (within and between persons) as well as for two types of life events (positive and negative). Whereas, a unidimensional scale might be sufficient to measure the centrality of stressful or traumatic life events, a more fine-graded measure seems better suited to understand the different roles of positive and negative life events for a person's identity and life story.

Characteristics of positive and negative autobiographical memories central to identity: emotionality, vividness, rehearsal, rumination, and reflection

Introduction

Some events are remembered as more central to a person's identity than others. However, it is not entirely clear what characterizes these autobiographical memories central to one's identity. In this study, we examined the effects of various characteristics on centrality to identity of positive and negative memories. Characteristics such as emotionality, vividness, and how frequently a memory is retrieved and shared with others as well as ruminative and reflective self-foci were studied.

Methods

The sample included 356 participants (18-92 years of age). First, participants responded to demographic questions and individual difference questionnaires. Next, they recalled memories in response to 12 emotional cue words. The cue words were balanced for emotional valence (i.e., six positive and six negative) and presented in a random order. After retrieving all memories, participants rated them regarding centrality, using the short seven-item Centrality of Event Scale and other memory characteristics, on a seven-point Likert scale. Multivariate multilevel regression was used for data analyzes, to consider multiple characteristics at the same time and account for data dependency within individual.

Results

The results showed that emotionality, vividness, and frequency of memory retrieval contributed to higher centrality of memories, and employing a reflective self-focus resulted in rating memories as more central. In specific cases, these characteristics were associated differently with centrality of positive and negative memories.

Discussion

Central memories can be perceived as markers in a person's life story. The findings of this study suggest that these marker events are also highly available in a person's memory system, by being actively emotional, visually rich, and frequently retrieved. Moreover, not only memory characteristics but also individual's features are important to fully understand the autobiographical memory centrality.

Developments in the functions of autobiographical memory: An advanced review

In this advanced review, the development of the three most commonly used functions of autobiographical memory-directing behavior, social bonding, and self-continuity-and the support they have received in the literature are discussed. Support for this tripartite model often comes from correlational studies that use self-report measures, but participants in these studies may not be aware that they retrieved autobiographical memories to fulfill certain goals. Not only is more experimental research needed to confirm the findings from correlational studies, this kind of research needs to be more rigorous. Moreover, the functions of the tripartite model may not be the only autobiographical memory functions that can be distinguished. For example, there is already substantial support for the emotion-regulation function. Although memories can be used for multiple functions, patterns between aspects of the event (e.g., emotional valence) or memory (e.g., specificity) and their functionality have been found. In addition, individual differences (e.g., cultural background, depression symptoms) and situational factors (e.g., is there a goal that needs to be fulfilled) may regulate the functional deployment of autobiographical memories. Future research should therefore extend its focus on the conditions in which these functions can be observed. This article is categorized under: Psychology > Memory.

The power of negative and positive episodic memories

The power of episodic memories is that they bring a past moment into the present, providing opportunities for us to recall details of the experiences, reframe or update the memory, and use the retrieved information to guide our decisions. In these regards, negative and positive memories can be especially powerful: Life’s highs and lows are disproportionately represented in memory, and when they are retrieved, they often impact our current mood and thoughts and influence various forms of behavior. Research rooted in neuroscience and cognitive psychology has historically focused on memory for negative emotional content. Yet the study of autobiographical memories has highlighted the importance of positive emotional memories, and more recently, cognitive neuroscience methods have begun to clarify why positive memories may show powerful relations to mental wellbeing. Here, we review the models that have been proposed to explain why emotional memories are long-lasting (durable) and likely to be retrieved (accessible), describing how in overlapping—but distinctly separable—ways, positive and negative memories can be easier to retrieve, and more likely to influence behavior. We end by identifying potential implications of this literature for broader topics related to mental wellbeing, education, and workplace environments.

Deliberately retrieved negative memories can improve mood beyond the intention to do so

The role of autobiographical memory in emotion regulation is deemed as limited to the selective retrieval of positive memories intended as a distraction from unpleasant stimuli. The present experimental study is the first to examine whether negative autobiographical memories serve as a way to boost one’s mood by employing the mechanism of retrospective downward autobiographical comparison between now and then. We hypothesised that this mechanism may operate in response to negative memories, leading to positive mood induction. Ninety-nine students participated in four memory tasks: autobiographical positive, autobiographical negative, vicarious positive, and vicarious negative. Emotional states at pre- and post-tests were assessed using the implicit test differentiating positive (PA) and negative (NA) components of mood. The results replicated previous studies on the mood-repair effect of deliberate positive recall. The most striking finding is that negative autobiographical recall consistently boosted PA and inhibited NA. This result supported the idea of retrospective downward autobiographical comparison as a plausible mechanism behind the efficacy of negative memories in emotion regulation.

Reconciling a phenomenological with a functional approach to memory: narrative coherence and its social function

To date, the phenomenological and functional aspects of autobiographical memory have by and large been studied separately. This is quite remarkable, given that both can inform each other, and that investigating their interaction can add to the understanding of the (in)adaptivity of certain memory characteristics for our well-being. In other words, examining how particular features of autobiographical memory are adept or inept at serving specific functions, could help us to better comprehend and explain relations between memory and psychological well-being. We discuss previous attempts to integrate phenomenology with functionality and formulate three main directions for future research based on the current state of the art. The directions concern (1) focusing on functionality (adaptivity) and not merely on the use of memories in phenomenological work, (2) attention for the bidirectionality of the relation between phenomenology and functionality, and (3) the addition of narrative constructs like coherence to the traditional range of phenomenological features. We will illustrate our directions for the reintegration of phenomenology with functionality through the social function of coherent autobiographical memories. This framework could help to stimulate future empirical studies and pave the road for new clinical interventions to improve psychological well-being.

Remembering the romantic past: Autobiographical memory functions and romantic relationship quality

Do the reasons why we think about our memories and share them with others have implications for our romantic relationship quality? In the present series of studies (total N = 1,102), we aimed to answer this question by examining whether the self (e.g., creating a stable self-image), social (e.g., connecting with others) and directive (e.g., guiding future behavior) functions of regular memories (Study 1, Study 2) and relationship memories (Study 2, Study 3) were related to intimacy and satisfaction in the current relationship. We further investigated these links when relationship memories were shared with the romantic partner (Study 3). Results showed no association between the self-reported uses of memory for regular events and relationship quality. In contrast, the social function served by the relationship events was positively associated, and the directive function was negatively associated with intimacy and relationship satisfaction. When the memories were to be shared with the partner, only social function was related, positively, to the relationship satisfaction. Findings were discussed in terms of the importance of considering the self-reported reasons for recalling an event and understanding of the contextual factors in remembering.

The valence and the functions of autobiographical memories: Does intensity matter?

Autobiographical memories serve psychosocial functions in daily life and the use of memories is related to their valence. In the present study, we examined whether functions are also related to the intensity of positive and negative memories. Our sample included 110 participants (57-89 years of age). Memories were prompted with 30 emotionally neutral cue words. Participants rated the emotional quality of each memory and indicated how frequently they had recalled it for self-continuity, directing behavior, social-bonding, and mood-enhancement. We used multilevel modeling to test whether individual differences in the use of memories can explain why individuals recall different numbers of positive and negative memories as well as memories high or low in intensity. Each function revealed its specific pattern regarding valence and intensity but also regarding within-person and between-person effects. Mood-enhancement showed the strongest relations, which points to the importance of considering emotion regulation as a function of autobiographical memory.

Ruminative and mood associations for age differences in social and directive reasons to think and talk about life experiences

Reminiscing, or thinking and talking about our past experiences, can have mood enhancing effects. Rumination is implicated in reminiscence and yet has been shown to have negative effects on mood, with important differences between age groups. However, age differences in the effects of reminiscing on mood, and particularly the effects of rumination within reminiscence, are less explored. Two different age groups completed self-report measures of the positive directive (planning for present and future behaviors) and social (communication) uses of autobiographical memory, as well as maladaptive rumination and depression symptom severity. Young participants (Mean age: 21.82) ruminated more and reported greater frequency of using the directive and social functions of thinking and talking about past experiences than older adults (Mean age: 71.82). These reminiscence processes were also differentially associated with depression symptoms between age groups when tested in structural equation models. In older participants, but not young participants, the directive function was negatively associated with depression severity; in young participants, but not old participants, the social function was negatively associated with depression severity. Furthermore, although depressive and abstract rumination was directly positively related to depression scores in both samples, this association was inverted when the effect of rumination on depression was calculated through functions of reminiscence. The implications of these results for intervention development in older versus young adults, is discussed.