Whorf versus Socrates, round 10

Language systematizes attention: How relational language enhances relational representation by guiding attention

Language can affect cognition, but through what mechanism? Substantial past research has focused on how labeling can elicit categorical representation during online processing. We focus here on a particularly powerful type of language-relational language-and show that relational language can enhance relational representation in children through an embodied attention mechanism. Four-year-old children were given a color-location conjunction task, in which they were asked to encode a two-color square, split either vertically or horizontally (e.g., red on the left, blue on the right), and later recall the same configuration from its mirror reflection. During the encoding phase, children in the experimental condition heard relational language (e.g., "Red is on the left of blue"), while those in the control condition heard generic non-relational language (e.g., "Look at this one, look at it closely"). At recall, children in the experimental condition were more successful at choosing the correct relational representation between the two colors compared to the control group. Moreover, they exhibited different attention patterns as predicted by the attention shift account of relational representation (Franconeri et al., 2012). To test the sustained effect of language and the role of attention, during the second half of the study, the experimental condition was given generic non-relational language. There was a sustained advantage in the experimental condition for both behavioral accuracies and signature attention patterns. Overall, our findings suggest that relational language enhances relational representation by guiding learners' attention, and this facilitative effect persists over time even in the absence of language. Implications for the mechanism of how relational language can enhance the learning of relational systems (e.g., mathematics, spatial cognition) by guiding attention will be discussed.

Visual foundations of Euclidean geometry

Geometry defines entities that can be physically realized in space, and our knowledge of abstract geometry may therefore stem from our representations of the physical world. Here, we focus on Euclidean geometry, the geometry historically regarded as "natural". We examine whether humans possess representations describing visual forms in the same way as Euclidean geometry - i.e., in terms of their shape and size. One hundred and twelve participants from the U.S. (age 3-34 years), and 25 participants from the Amazon (age 5-67 years) were asked to locate geometric deviants in panels of 6 forms of variable orientation. Participants of all ages and from both cultures detected deviant forms defined in terms of shape or size, while only U.S. adults drew distinctions between mirror images (i.e. forms differing in "sense"). Moreover, irrelevant variations of sense did not disrupt the detection of a shape or size deviant, while irrelevant variations of shape or size did. At all ages and in both cultures, participants thus retained the same properties as Euclidean geometry in their analysis of visual forms, even in the absence of formal instruction in geometry. These findings show that representations of planar visual forms provide core intuitions on which humans' knowledge in Euclidean geometry could possibly be grounded.

Geometry intuitions without vision? A study in blind children and adults

Geometry intuitions seem to be rooted in a non-verbal system that humans possess since early age. However, the mechanisms underlying the comprehension of basic geometric concepts remain elusive. Some authors have suggested that the starting point of geometry development could be found in the visual perception of specific features in our environment, thus conferring to vision a foundational role in the acquisition of geometric skills. To examine this assumption, a test probing intuitive understanding of basic geometric concepts was presented to congenitally blind children and adults. Participants had to detect the intruder among four different shapes, from which three instantiated a specific geometrical concept and one (the intruder) violated it. Although they performed above the chance level, the blind presented poorer performance than the sighted participants who did the task in the visual modality (i.e., with the eyes open), but performed equally well than the sighted who did the task in the tactile modality (i.e., with a blindfold). We therefore provide evidence that geometric abilities are impacted by the lack of vision.

Toward a Unified View of Cognitive and Biochemical Activity: Meditation and Linguistic Self-Reconstructing May Lead to Inflammation and Oxidative Stress Improvement

Stress appears to be the basis of many diseases, especially myocardial infarction. Events are not objectively “stressful” but what is central is how the individual structures the experience he is facing: the thoughts he produces about an event put him under stress. This cognitive process could be revealed by language (words and structure). We followed 90 patients with ischemic heart disease and 30 healthy volunteers, after having taught them the Relaxation Response (RR) as part of a 4-day Rational–Emotional–Education intervention. We analyzed with the Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count software the words that the subjects used across the study following the progression of blood galectin-3 (inflammation marker) and malondialdehyde (oxidative stress marker). During the follow-up, we confirmed an acute and chronic decrease in the markers of inflammation and oxidative stress already highlighted in our previous studies together with a significant change in the use of language by the subjects of the RR groups. Our results and the precise design of our study would seem to suggest the existence of an intimate relationship and regulatory action by cognitive processes (recognizable by the type of language used) on some molecular processes in the human body.

Producing or reproducing reasoning? Socratic dialog is very effective, but only for a few

Successful communication between a teacher and a student is at the core of pedagogy. A well known example of a pedagogical dialog is 'Meno', a socratic lesson of geometry in which a student learns (or 'discovers') how to double the area of a given square 'in essence, a demonstration of Pythagoras' theorem. In previous studies we found that after engaging in the dialog participants can be divided in two kinds: those who can only apply a rule to solve the problem presented in the dialog and those who can go beyond and generalize that knowledge to solve any square problems. Here we study the effectiveness of this socratic dialog in an experimental and a control high-school classrooms, and we explore the boundaries of what is learnt by testing subjects with a set of 9 problems of varying degrees of difficulty. We found that half of the adolescents did not learn anything from the dialog. The other half not only learned to solve the problem, but could abstract something more: the geometric notion that the diagonal can be used to solve diverse area problems. Conceptual knowledge is critical for achievement in geometry, and it is not clear whether geometric concepts emerge spontaneously on the basis of universal experience with space, or reflect intrinsic properties of the human mind. We show that, for half of the learners, an exampled-based Socratic dialog in lecture form can give rise to formal geometric knowledge that can be applied to new, different problems.

Navigation as a source of geometric knowledge: young children's use of length, angle, distance, and direction in a reorientation task

Geometry is one of the highest achievements of our species, but its foundations are obscure. Consistent with longstanding suggestions that geometrical knowledge is rooted in processes guiding navigation, the present study examines potential sources of geometrical knowledge in the navigation processes by which young children establish their sense of orientation. Past research reveals that children reorient both by the shape of the surface layout and the shapes of distinctive landmarks, but it fails to clarify what shape properties children use. The present study explores 2-year-old children's sensitivity to angle, length, distance and direction by testing disoriented children's search in a variety of fragmented rhombic and rectangular environments. Children reoriented themselves in accord with surface distances and directions, but they failed to use surface lengths or corner angles either for directional reorientation or as local landmarks. Thus, navigating children navigate by some but not all of the abstract properties captured by formal Euclidean geometry. While navigation systems may contribute to children's developing geometric understanding, they likely are not the sole source of abstract geometric intuitions.

Doing Socrates experiment right: controlled rearing studies of geometrical knowledge in animals

The issue of whether encoding of geometric information for navigational purposes crucially depends on environmental experience or whether it is innately predisposed in the brain has been recently addressed in controlled rearing studies. Non-human animals can make use of the geometric shape of an environment for spatial reorientation and in some circumstances reliance on purely geometric information (metric properties and sense) can overcome use of local featural information. Animals reared in home cages of different geometric shapes proved to be equally capable of learning and performing navigational tasks based on geometric information. The findings suggest that effective use of geometric information for spatial reorientation does not require experience in environments with right angles and metrically distinct surfaces.

Young children's spontaneous use of geometry in maps

Two experiments tested whether 4-year-old children extract and use geometric information in simple maps without task instruction or feedback. Children saw maps depicting an arrangement of three containers and were asked to place an object into a container designated on the map. In Experiment 1, one of the three locations on the map and the array was distinct and therefore served as a landmark; in Experiment 2, only angle, distance and sense information specified the target container. Children in both experiments used information for distance and angle, but not sense, showing signature error patterns found in adults. Children thus show early, spontaneously developing abilities to detect geometric correspondences between three-dimensional layouts and two-dimensional maps, and they use these correspondences to guide navigation. These findings begin to chart the nature and limits of the use of core geometry in a uniquely human, symbolic task.