Acquired dysgraphia in alphabetic and stenographic handwriting

Spelling impairments in Spanish dyslexic adults

Spelling deficits have repeatedly been observed in children with dyslexia. However, the few studies addressing this issue in dyslexic adults have reported contradictory results. We investigated whether Spanish dyslexics show spelling deficits in adulthood and which components of the writing production process might be impaired in developmental dyslexia. In order to evaluate the involvement of the lexical and the sublexical routes of spelling as well as the graphemic buffer, lexical frequency, phonology-to-orthography consistency and word length were manipulated in two writing tasks: a direct copy transcoding task and a spelling-to-dictation task. Results revealed that adults with dyslexia produced longer written latencies, inter-letter intervals, writing durations and more errors than their peers without dyslexia. Moreover, the dyslexics were more affected by lexical frequency and word length than the controls, but both groups showed a similar effect of P-O consistency. Written latencies also revealed that while the dyslexics initiated the response later in the direct copy transcoding task than in the spelling-to-dictation task, the controls showed the opposite pattern. However, the dyslexics were slower than the controls in both tasks. Results were consistent with the hypothesis that spelling difficulties are present in adults with dyslexia, at least in a language with a transparent orthography such as Spanish. These difficulties seem to be associated with a deficit affecting both lexical processing and the ability to maintain information about the serial order of the letters in a word. However, the dyslexic group did not differ from the control group in the application of the P-O conversion procedures. The spelling impairment would be in addition to the reading deficit, leading to poorer performance in direct copy transcoding compared to spelling-to-dictation.

Spelling and dysgraphia

Early cognitive models of spelling assumed that orthographic word representations are linear, ordered sequences of abstract letter identities (graphemes), activated only by word meaning information, and in some cases proposed that activating phonological information is a necessary stage of the spelling process. Over the past 20 years, studies on dysgraphia have shown that orthographic representations are autonomous from phonological representations and, just like the latter, are directly activated from semantics. The selection of an orthographic form for output relies on the convergence of activation from lexical-semantic information and from sublexical phoneme-grapheme conversion procedures. In addition, it is increasingly clear that orthographic representations are multidimensional objects that separately represent the graphosyllabic structure (or perhaps the nucleus/non-nucleus positions) of the target, and the identity, the CV status, and the quantity (doubling) of each grapheme. In spelling, the structure of orthographic knowledge and the mechanisms involved in processing serial order interact in complex ways and constrain performance accuracy. Further research is needed to clarify some critical issues: We need to specify in greater detail the mechanisms involved in the interaction between meaning and sublexical information; we must consider the possibility that orthographic representations have texture, in addition to structure; we must provide explicit hypotheses on the mechanisms that process orthographic knowledge; and we must gain a better understanding of the interaction between structure and serial order.

Dyscravia: voicing substitution dysgraphia

We report a new type of dysgraphia, which we term dyscravia. The main error type in dyscravia is substitution of the target letter with a letter that differs only with respect to the voicing feature, such as writing "coat" for "goat", and "vagd" for "fact". Two Hebrew-speaking individuals with acquired dyscravia are reported, TG, a man aged 31, and BG, a woman aged 66. Both had surface dysgraphia in addition to their dyscravia. To describe dyscravia in detail, and to explore the rate and types of errors made in spelling, we administered tests of writing to dictation, written naming, and oral spelling. In writing to dictation, TG made voicing errors on 38% of the words, and BG made 17% voicing errors. Voicing errors also occurred in nonword writing (43% for TG, 56% for BG). The writing performance and the variables that influenced the participants' spelling, as well as the results of the auditory discrimination and repetition tasks indicated that their dyscravia did not result from a deficit in auditory processing, the graphemic buffer, the phonological output lexicon, the phonological output buffer, or the allographic stage. The locus of the deficit is the phoneme-to-grapheme conversion, in a function specialized in the conversion of phonemes' voicing feature into graphemes. Because these participants had surface dysgraphia and were forced to write via the sublexical route, the deficit in voicing was evident in their writing of both words and nonwords. We further examined whether the participants also evinced parallel errors in reading. TG had a selective voicing deficit in writing, and did not show any voicing errors in reading, whereas BG had voicing errors also in the reading of nonwords (i.e., she had dyslegzia in addition to dyscravia). The dissociation TG demonstrated indicated that the voicing feature conversion is separate for reading and writing, and can be impaired selectively in writing. BG's dyslegzia indicates that the grapheme-to-phoneme conversion also includes a function that is sensitive to phonological features such as voicing. Thus the main conclusion of this study is that a separate function of voicing feature conversion exists in the phoneme-to-grapheme conversion route, which may be selectively impaired without deficits in other functions of the conversion route, and without a parallel deficit in reading.

The impact of deep dysgraphia on graphemic buffer disorders

This article describes an investigation into the residual writing skills of a severely dysgraphic patient (DA). We found that they were powerfully influenced by a number of lexical variables (lexicality, frequency, imageability, length and geminates). His error pattern was characterized by semantic, lexical, substitution, deletion errors and fragment responses that preserved the first letter. Thus, DA's written spelling was characterized by both deep dysgraphic and graphemic output buffer effects. It is proposed that this pattern of performance represents a new"putative functional syndrome."