Exploring the costs and economic consequences of unsafe abortion in Mexico City before legalisation

Infectious Complications of Abortion

This article reviews the infectious complications of abortion (both spontaneous and induced) and the management of this condition. The key points are: (1) Making abortion illegal does not reduce its incidence or prevalence; rather, it only makes abortions unsafe, increasing the likelihood of infectious complications. (2) Timely recognition of developing sepsis in the pregnant patient is critical. This requires constant vigilance and a high index of suspicion. (3) Rapid intravenous administration of broad-spectrum antibiotics targeted to the likely intrauterine source of infection as soon as sepsis is diagnosed is critical to prevent severe sepsis, septic shock, and multisystem organ failure. (4) The mainstay of treatment is prompt evacuation of any residual products of conception from within the uterine cavity under broad-spectrum antibiotic cover targeting the likely intrauterine source of infection. (5) Prompt engagement of specialists in both critical care and obstetrics-gynecology is necessary to optimize outcomes in patients with septic abortion.

Cost Analysis of Surgical and Medical Uterine Evacuation Methods for First-Trimester Abortion Used in Public Hospitals in Mexico

Background:

Data on abortion procedures costs are scarce in low- and middle-income countries. In Mexico, the only known study was conducted more than a decade ago, with data from years before the abortion legislation. This study estimated the costs, from the health system’s perspective, of surgical and medical abortion methods commonly used by women who undergo first-trimester abortion in Mexico.

Methods:

Data were collected on staff time, salaries, medications, consumables, equipment, imaging, and lab studies, at 5 public general hospitals. A bottom-up micro-costing approach was used.

Results:

Surgical abortion costs were US$201 for manual vacuum aspiration and US$298 for sharp curettage. The cost of medical abortion with misoprostol was US$85. The use of cervical ripening increases the costs by up to 18%. Staff comprised up to 72% of total costs in surgical abortions. Hospitalization was the area where most of the spending occurred, due to the staff and post-surgical surveillance required.

Conclusions:

Our estimates reflect the costs of “real-life” implementation and highlight the impact on costs of the overuse of resources not routinely recommended by clinical guidelines, such as cervical ripening for surgical abortion. This information will help decision-makers to generate policies that contribute to more efficient use of resources.

The macroeconomics of abortion: A scoping review and analysis of the costs and outcomes

BACKGROUND

Although abortion is a common gynecological procedure around the globe, we lack synthesis of the known macroeconomic costs and outcomes of abortion care and abortion policies. This scoping review synthesizes the literature on the impact of abortion-related care and abortion policies on economic outcomes at the macroeconomic level (that is, for societies and nation states).

METHODS AND FINDINGS

Searches were conducted in eight electronic databases. We conducted the searches and application of inclusion/exclusion criteria using the PRISMA extension for Scoping Reviews. For inclusion, studies must have examined one of the following macroeconomic outcomes: costs, impacts, benefits, and/or value of abortion care or abortion policies. Quantitative and qualitative data were extracted for descriptive statistics and thematic analysis. Of the 189 data extractions with macroeconomic evidence, costs at the national level are the most frequently reported economic outcome (n = 97), followed by impacts (n = 66), and benefits/value (n = 26). Findings show that post-abortion care services can constitute a substantial portion of national expenditures on health. Public sector coverage of abortion costs is sparse, and individuals bear most of the costs. Evidence also indicates that liberalizing abortion laws can have positive spillover effects for women's educational attainment and labor supply, and that access to abortion services contributes to improvements in children's human capital. However, the political economy around abortion legislation remains complicated and controversial.

CONCLUSIONS

Given the highly charged political nature of abortion around the global and the preponderance of rhetoric that can cloud reality in policy dialogues, it is imperative that social science researchers build the evidence base on the macroeconomic outcomes of abortion services and regulations.

The Economic Burden of Abortion and Its Complication Treatment Cares: A Systematic Review

Objective: Abortion related procedures contribute to a significant economic burden because it resulted in prolonged hospital stays for patients. We aimed to gather available evidence on the economic burden of abortion and post-abortion complication treatment cares worldwide.

Materials and methods: PubMed, Web of Science, Scopus, and Embase databases were searched through November 2019. Two researchers independently conducted the quality assessment and data extraction process. The latest web-based tool adjusted the estimates of costs expressed in one specific currency and price year into a specific target currency (the year 2016 $US).

Results: Totally, 2082 records were retrieved and 32 studies were deemed eligible for qualitative synthesis. The mean total costs per patient with abortion or post-abortion care ranged from $23 to $564. The annual costs ranged from 189,000 $US to 134 million $US.

Conclusion: Abortion and post-abortion care impose a substantial economic burden on society. Understanding the burdensome of abortion or pregnancy termination among policymakers provides vital information and enables informed decisions to be made to establish health care priorities and allocating scarce resources.

The mesoeconomics of abortion: A scoping review and analysis of the economic effects of abortion on health systems

BACKGROUND

Despite the high incidence of abortion around the globe, we lack synthesis of the known economic consequences of abortion care and abortion policies at the mesoeconomic level (i.e. health systems and communities). This scoping review examines the mesoeconomic costs, benefits, impacts, and values of abortion care and policies.

METHODS AND FINDINGS

Searches were conducted in eight electronic databases. We conducted the searches and application of inclusion/exclusion criteria using the PRISMA extension for Scoping Reviews. For inclusion, studies must have examined at least one of the following outcomes: costs, benefits, impacts, and value of abortion care or abortion policies. Quantitative and qualitative data were extracted for descriptive statistics and thematic analysis. Of the 150 included mesoeconomic studies, costs to health systems are the most frequently reported mesoeconomic outcome (n = 116), followed by impacts (n = 40), benefits (n = 17), and values (n = 11). Within health facilities and health systems, the costs of providing abortion services vary greatly, particularly given the range with which researchers identify and cost services. Financial savings can be realized while maintaining or even improving quality of abortion services. Adapting to changing laws and policies is costly for health facilities. American policies on abortion economically impact health systems and facilities both domestically and abroad. Providing post-abortion care requires a disproportionate amount of health facility resources.

CONCLUSIONS

The evidence base has consolidated around abortion costs to health systems and health facilities in high-income countries more than in low- or middle-income countries. Little is known about the economic impacts of abortion on communities or the mesoeconomics of abortion in the Middle East and North Africa. Methodologically, review papers are the most frequent study type, indicating that researchers rely on evidence from a core set of costing papers. Studies generating new primary data on mesoeconomic outcomes are needed to strengthen the evidence base.

Safe and unsafe abortions: Total monetary costs and health care system costs in Argentina in 2018

During the first semester of 2018, a profound debate on the legalization of the practice of abortion was initiated in Argentina, which exposed the lack of scientific studies addressing the economic dimension of abortion in this country. This work seeks to move forward in the quantification of the costs of abortion under two scenarios: the current context of illegality and the potential costs if the recommended international protocols were applied in a context of legalization of the practice. The results of the comparison between, on the one hand, the total monetary costs in 2018 (private or out-of-pocket expenditure and costs for the health care system) of the current scenario of illegality and unsafe practice of abortion and, on the other hand, potential scenarios of safe practices, shows that a large amount of resources could be saved if the recommended protocols were implemented. These results proved to be robust after carrying out a series of sensitivity exercises on the main assumptions included in the comparisons.

Twelve years after abortion decriminalization in Mexico City: Can we still remain an island of liberties?

Latin America hosts the most restrictive abortion legislation globally. In 2007, Mexico, the second largest Catholic country in the world, decriminalized elective abortion within the first twelve weeks of pregnancy in the capital: Mexico City (also known as Federal District of Mexico). Following the reform, the Mexico City Ministry of Health (MX-MOH) implemented safe and legal services. Free services are provided to Mexico City residents and a sliding fee of up to $100 is applied to women from other Mexican states. Conscientious objection (CO) was addressed and included in service provision guidelines. Since 2007, 18 of 32 states amended their penal codes to restrict abortion. The road toward increasing access to abortion services at the MX-MOH included a shift from dilation and curettage (D&C) to medical abortion (MA), first with the misoprostol-alone regimen, followed by the combined mifepristone-misoprostol regimen. Manual vacuum aspiration is offered to out-of-state-women or to those beyond the gestational age where MA is less effective. Contraceptive uptake among abortion seekers is high (up to 95% of them prefer a free method of their choice). The Legal Interruption of Pregnancy program at the MX-MOH continues to provide effective, safe, reliable, and free services. However, women from indigenous groups residing in rural areas, those with low schooling, and adolescents with an unintended pregnancy who live in rural, urban, peri-urban districts, and at the state level are underserved despite being legally eligible to receive abortion services. Therefore, information and services for the disadvantaged groups need to be strengthened.

Safe abortion: The public health rationale

It is now more than 50 years since the World Health Assembly recognized abortion as a serious public health problem. The challenge still stands. Addressing the problem of unsafe abortion is a national and global public health imperative, dictated by the magnitude of the problem and its impact on individuals and society, inequity of the burden of disease, and an international consensus of the global health community. Almost every abortion death and disability could be prevented through cost-effective public health interventions including sexuality education, use of effective contraception, provision of safe, legal induced abortion, and quality humane postabortion care. Safe abortion continues to be a challenge to public health because of diverse national restrictive legal regulations, prevailing stigma, and lack of political commitment. Health professionals have a social responsibility to educate policymakers, legislators, and the public at large about adverse impacts of restrictive abortion regulations, laws, and policies on women's health.

Experiences of women who travel for abortion: A mixed methods systematic review

OBJECTIVE

To systematically review the literature on women's experiences traveling for abortion and assess how this concept has been explored and operationalized, with a focus on travel distance, cost, delays, and other barriers to receiving services.

BACKGROUND

Increasing limitations on abortion providers and access to care have increased the necessity of travel for abortion services around the world. No systematic examination of women's experiences traveling for abortion has been conducted; this mixed-methods review provides a summary of the qualitative and quantitative literature on this topic.

METHODS

A systematic search was conducted using PubMed, Embase, Web of Science, Popline, and Google Scholar in July 2016 and updated in March 2017 (PROSPERO registration # CRD42016046007). We included original research studies that described women's experiences traveling for abortion. Two reviewers independently performed article screening, data extraction and determination of final inclusion for analysis. Critical appraisal was conducted using CASP, STROBE, and MMAT checklists.

RESULTS

We included 59 publications: 46 quantitative studies, 12 qualitative studies, and 1 mixed-methods study. Most studies were published in the last five years, relied on data from the US, and discussed travel as a secondary outcome of interest. In quantitative studies, travel was primarily conceptualized and measured as road or straight-line distance to abortion provider, though some studies also incorporated measures of burdens related to travel, such as financial cost, childcare needs, and unwanted disclosure of their abortion status to others. Qualitative studies explored regional disparities in access to abortion care, with a focus on the burdens related to travel, the impact of travel on abortion method choice, and women's reasons for travel. Studies generally were of high quality, though many studies lacked information on participant recruitment or consideration of potential biases.

CONCLUSIONS

Standardized measurements of travel, including burdens associated with travel and more nuanced considerations of travel costs, should be implemented in order to facilitate comparison across studies. More research is needed to explore and accurately capture different dimensions of the burden of travel for abortion services on women's lives.

Access to abortion under the heath exception: a comparative analysis in three countries

BACKGROUND

Despite Britain, Colombia, and some Mexican states sharing a health exception within their abortion laws, access to abortion under the health exception varies widely. This study examines factors that result in heterogeneous application of similar health exception laws and consequences for access to legal abortion. Our research adds to previous literature by comparing implementation of similar abortion laws across countries to identify strategies for full implementation of the health exception.

METHODS

We conducted a cross-country comparative descriptive study synthesizing data from document and literature review, official abortion statistics, and interviews with key informants. We gathered information on the use and interpretation of the health exception in the three countries from peer-reviewed literature, court documents, and grey literature. We next extracted public and private abortion statistics to understand the application of the law in each setting. We used a matrix to synthesize information and identify key factors in the use of the law. We conducted in-depth interviews with doctors and experts familiar with the health exception laws in each country and analyzed the qualitative data based on the previously identified factors.

RESULTS

The health exception is used broadly in Britain, somewhat in Colombia, and very rarely in Mexican states. We identified five factors as particularly salient to application of the health exception in each setting: 1) comprehensiveness of the law including explicit mention of mental health, 2) a strong public health sector that funds abortion, 3) knowledge of and attitudes toward the health exception law, including guidelines for physicians in providing abortion, 4) dissemination of information about the health exception law, and 5) a history of court cases that protect women and clarify the health exception law.

CONCLUSIONS

The health exception is a valuable tool for expanding access to legal abortion. Differences in the use of the health exception as an indication for legal abortion result in wide access for women in Britain to nearly no access in Mexican states. Our findings highlight the difference between theoretical and real access to legal abortion. The interpretation and application of the health exception law are pivotal to expanding real access to abortion.

Doing more for less: identifying opportunities to expand public sector access to safe abortion in South Africa through budget impact analysis

OBJECTIVE(S)

To estimate the costs of public-sector abortion provision in South Africa and to explore the potential for expanding access at reduced cost by changing the mix of technologies used.

STUDY DESIGN

We conducted a budget impact analysis using public sector abortion statistics and published cost data. We estimated the total costs to the public health service over 10 years, starting in South Africa's financial year 2016/17, given four scenarios: (1) holding service provision constant, (2) expanding public sector provision, (3) changing the abortion technologies used (i.e. the method mix), and (4) expansion plus changing the method mix.

RESULTS

The public sector performed an estimated 20% of the expected total number of abortions in 2016/17; 26% and 54% of all abortions were performed illegally or in the private sector respectively. Costs were lowest in scenarios where method mix shifting occurred. Holding the proportion of abortions performed in the public-sector constant, shifting to more cost-effective service provision (more first-trimester services with more medication abortion and using the combined regimen for medical induction in the second trimester) could result in savings of $28.1 million in the public health service over the 10-year period. Expanding public sector provision through elimination of unsafe abortions would require an additional $192.5 million.

CONCLUSIONS

South Africa can provide more safe abortions for less money in the public sector through shifting the methods provided. More research is needed to understand whether the cost of expanding access could be offset by savings from averting costs of managing unsafe abortions.

IMPLICATIONS

South Africa can provide more safe abortions for less money in the public sector through shifting to more first-trimester methods, including more medication abortion, and shifting to a combined mifepristone plus misoprostol regimen for second trimester medical induction. Expanding access in addition to method mix changes would require additional funds.

The costs and cost effectiveness of providing first-trimester, medical and surgical safe abortion services in KwaZulu-Natal Province, South Africa

Background

Despite a liberal abortion law, access to safe abortion services in South Africa is challenging for many women. Medication abortion was introduced in 2013, but its reach remains limited. We aimed to estimate the costs and cost effectiveness of providing first-trimester medication abortion and manual vacuum aspiration (MVA) services to inform planning for first-trimester service provision in South Africa and similar settings.

Methods

We obtained data on service provision and outcomes from an operations research study where medication abortion was introduced alongside existing MVA services in public hospitals in KwaZulu-Natal province. Clinical data were collected through interviews with first-trimester abortion clients and summaries completed by nurses performing the procedures. In parallel, we performed micro-costing at three of the study hospitals. Using a model built in Excel, we estimated the average cost per medical and surgical procedure and determined the cost per complete abortion performed. Results are presented in 2015 US dollars.

Results

A total of 1,129 women were eligible for a first trimester abortion at the three study sites. The majority (886, 78.5%) were eligible to choose their abortion procedure; 94.1% (n = 834) chose medication abortion. The total average cost per medication abortion was $63.91 (52.32–75.51). The total average cost per MVA was higher at $69.60 (52.62–86.57); though the cost ranges for the two procedures overlapped. Given average costs, the cost per complete medication abortion was lower than the cost per complete MVA despite three (0.4%) medication abortion women being hospitalized and two (0.3%) having ongoing pregnancies at study exit. Personnel costs were the largest component of the total average cost of both abortion methods.

Conclusion

This analysis supports the scale-up of medication abortion alongside existing MVA services in South Africa. Women can be offered a choice of methods, including medication abortion with MVA as a back-up, without increasing costs.

Medical abortion and manual vacuum aspiration for legal abortion protect women's health and reduce costs to the health system: findings from Colombia

The majority of abortions in Colombia continue to take place outside the formal health system under a range of conditions, with the majority of women obtaining misoprostol from a thriving black market for the drug and self-administering the medication. We conducted a cost analysis to compare the costs to the health system of three approaches to the provision of abortion care in Colombia: post-abortion care for complications of unsafe abortions, and for legal abortions in a health facility, misoprostol-only medical abortion and vacuum aspiration abortion. Hospital billing records from three institutions, two large maternity hospitals and one specialist reproductive health clinic, were analysed for procedure and complication rates, and costs by diagnosis. The majority of visits (94%) were to the two hospitals for post-abortion care; the other 6% were for legal abortions. Only one minor complication was found among the women having legal abortions, a complication rate of less than 1%. Among the women presenting for post-abortion care, 5% had complications during their treatment, mainly from infection or haemorrhage. Legal abortions were associated not only with far fewer complications for women, but also lower costs for the health system than for post-abortion care. We calculated based on our findings that for every 1,000 women receiving post-abortion care instead of a legal abortion within the health system, 16 women experienced avoidable complications, and the health system spent US $48,000 managing them. Increasing women's access to safe abortion care would not only reduce complications for women, but would also be a cost-saving strategy for the health system.

Costs of postabortion care in public sector health facilities in Malawi: a cross-sectional survey

BACKGROUND

Health systems could obtain substantial cost savings by providing safe abortion care rather than providing expensive treatment for complications of unsafely performed abortions. This study estimates current health system costs of treating unsafe abortion complications and compares these findings with newly-projected costs for providing safe abortion in Malawi.

METHODS

We conducted in-depth surveys of medications, supplies, and time spent by clinical personnel dedicated to postabortion care (PAC) for three treatment categories (simple, severe non-surgical, and severe surgical complications) and three uterine evacuation (UE) procedure types (manual vacuum aspiration (MVA), dilation and curettage (D&C) and misoprostol-alone) at 15 purposively-selected public health facilities. Per-case treatment costs were calculated and applied to national, annual PAC caseload data.

RESULTS

The median cost per D&C case ($63) was 29% higher than MVA treatment ($49). Costs to treat severe non-surgical complications ($63) were almost five times higher than those of a simple PAC case ($13). Severe surgical complications were especially costly to treat at $128. PAC treatment in public facilities cost an estimated $314,000 annually. Transition to safe, legal abortion would yield an estimated cost reduction of 20%-30%.

CONCLUSIONS

The method of UE and severity of complications have a large impact on overall costs. With a liberalized abortion law and implementation of induced abortion services with WHO-recommended UE methods, current PAC costs to the health system could markedly decrease.

The health system cost of post-abortion care in Rwanda

Based on research conducted in 2012, we estimate the cost to the Rwandan health-care system of providing post-abortion care (PAC) due to unsafe abortions, a subject of policy importance not studied before at the national level. Thirty-nine public and private health facilities representing three levels of health care were randomly selected for data collection from key care providers and administrators for all five regions. Using an ingredients approach to costing, data were gathered on drugs, supplies, material, personnel time and hospitalization. Additionally, direct non-medical costs such as overhead and capital costs were also measured. We found that the average annual PAC cost per client, across five types of abortion complications, was $93. The total cost of PAC nationally was estimated to be $1.7 million per year, 49% of which was expended on direct non-medical costs. Satisfying all demands for PAC would raise the national cost to $2.5 million per year. PAC comprises a significant share of total expenditure in reproductive health in Rwanda. Investing more resources in provision of contraceptive services to prevent unwanted or mistimed pregnancies would likely reduce health systems costs.

Triangular assessment of the etiology of induced abortion in iran: a qualitative study

BACKGROUND

About 46 million induced abortions occur in the world annually. The studies have reported 80000 cases of induced abortions in Iran annually.

OBJECTIVES

This qualitative study was conducted to identify the causes of unsafe abortion in Iran from the standpoint of three groups of experts, women with a history of abortion or unwanted pregnancy and service providers.

PATIENTS AND METHODS

A total of 72 in-depth semi structured interviews were conducted in 2012 in Tehran and Shahroud. After coordination with 8 experts, sampling from them was done using the Snowballing method in their offices. Sampling from 28 married and 10 engaged women with a history of unwanted pregnancy or unsafe abortion and 12 providers was done in health care centers and a in number of gynecologists' and midwives' offices. Sampling from women with a history of unwanted pregnancy or unsafe abortion such as single women, HIV positive women and drug users, and women who had sexual intercourse for money was started by referring to the social rehabilitation center for women and continued using the snowballing method due to difficulties in accessing them. Participants were from different ethnic groups including Fars, Gilaks, Mazandarani, Arab, Azerbaijani, and Lor. Content analysis was performed on collected data.

RESULTS

BASED ON THE RESULTS OF THE INTERVIEWS, PARTICIPANTS HAVE ABORTION FOR FOLLOWING REASONS: 1. Wanted pregnancy (sub categories: fetal abnormalities, Concern about fetal health and lack of trust to prenatal diagnostic methods, Fetal sex, Lack of independent and free decision making regarding pregnancy in women, 2. Unwanted pregnancy (sub-categories: Socio-economic factors, Beliefs and feelings, Lack of information about family planning) 3. Predisposing factors (sub-categories: Lack of information on religious aspects of abortion, Easy access to easy abortion methods). Some people, despite having unwanted pregnancy due to social, economic, cultural and family grounds, continued their pregnancy and did not have an abortion for the following reasons: Religious beliefs, Beliefs (fear of punishment in the afterlife and believing in fate) , Attachment to the unborn baby, Influence of the other people's opinions (physician, mother or spouse) Late diagnosis of pregnancy, Unsuccessful abortion attempts (Self-treatment, Unsuccessful medical abortion), Economic weakness and arbitrary treatment.

CONCLUSIONS

In the present study, women who continued their pregnancy despite being unwanted were also interviewed. Although they had the same social, economic, cultural, and family problems as women with a history of unsafe abortion and had easy access to abortion, analysis showed that the difference in religious beliefs between the two groups was the most important factor that led women to choose two different approaches. The authors believe that in-depth analysis of people's beliefs and opinions in this regard and correction of false beliefs plays a crucial role in decreasing the rate of unsafe abortion.

Mexican women seeking safe abortion services in San Diego, California

Except for in Mexico City, abortion is legally restricted throughout Mexico, and unsafe abortion is prevalent. We surveyed 1,516 women seeking abortions in San Diego, California. Of these, 87 women (5.7%) self-identified as Mexican residents. We performed in-depth interviews with 17 of these women about their experiences seeking abortions in California. The Mexican women interviewed were generally well-educated and lived near the U.S.-Mexican border; most sought care in the United States due to mistrust of services in Mexico, and the desire to access mifepristone, a drug registered in the United States for early medical abortion. Several reported difficulties obtaining health care in Mexico or reentering the United States when they had postabortion complications. Several areas for improvement were identified, including outreach to clinics in Mexico.

[Illegal abortion with misoprostol in Guadeloupe]

OBJECTIVES

The aim of this study was to describe the typical profile, and to assess the motivations of women who underwent illegal abortion with misoprostol in Guadeloupe (French West Indies).

MATERIALS AND METHODS

We conducted a 1-year prospective study on women who consulted after failure or complication of an illegal abortion with misoprostol.

RESULTS

Fifty-two cases of illegal abortion with misoprostol were recorded. The most common profile was an unemployed woman, who was unmarried, foreign-born, had no medical insurance, and a low level of education; the median age was 28 (range 17 to 40). The justifications given were that the legal procedure was considered to be too slow, the young age of the woman, the ease of the self-medication procedure, a history of illegal abortion by misoprostol in the woman's country of origin, ignorance of the legal process, and financial and/or administrative problems.

CONCLUSION

The problem of illegal abortion is probably underestimated in Guadeloupe and possibly France. This description of the profile of the population concerned and the justifications for choosing illegal abortion by misoprostol provides elements allowing better focus of education concerning abortion, contraception and family planning. Access to legal abortion centers should also be improved.

The potential of medical abortion to reduce maternal mortality in Africa: what benefits for Tanzania and Ethiopia?

Background

Unsafe abortion is estimated to account for 13% of maternal mortality globally. Medical abortion is a safe alternative.

Methods

By estimating mortality risks for unsafe and medical abortion and childbirth for Tanzania and Ethiopia, we modelled changes in maternal mortality that are achievable if unsafe abortion were replaced by medical abortion. We selected Ethiopia and Tanzania because of their high maternal mortality ratios (MMRatios) and contrasting situations regarding health care provision and abortion legislation. We focused on misoprostol-only regimens due to the drug's low cost and accessibility. We included the impact of medical abortion on women who would otherwise choose unsafe abortion and on women with unwanted/mistimed pregnancies who would otherwise carry to term.

Results

Thousands of lives could be saved each year in each country by implementing medical abortion using misoprostol (2122 in Tanzania and 2551 in Ethiopia assuming coverage equals family planning services levels: 56% for Tanzania, 31% for Ethiopia). Changes in MMRatios would be less pronounced because the intervention would also affect national birth rates.

Conclusions

This is the first analysis of impact of medical abortion provision which takes into account additional potential users other than those currently using unsafe abortion. Thousands of women's lives could be saved, but this may not be reflected in as substantial changes in MMRatios because of medical abortion's demographic impact. Therefore policy makers must be aware of the inability of some traditional measures of maternal mortality to detect the real benefits offered by such an intervention.

Costs of post-abortion care in low- and middle-income countries

OBJECTIVE

To evaluate the quality of costing studies of post-abortion care from low- and middle-income countries and to describe costs in various settings.

METHODS

A systematic review identified unit costs. Descriptive statistical analysis and univariate regression analysis identified drivers of unit costs of post-abortion care.

RESULTS

There are few cost studies from Asia or Eastern Europe. Data indicate that the cost (in 2007 international dollars) of post-abortion care in Africa and Latin America is $392 and $430, respectively, per case.

CONCLUSION

Differences in post-abortion care costs were associated with region, procedure, facility level, case severity, and whether the study was operations research. Methods varied between studies, and efforts should be made in future research to improve consistency. Additional data are needed from Asia and Eastern Europe, as well as the costs of medical methods of uterine evacuation. These data justify improved access to contraception and safe, legal abortion.