Developmental explanation and the ontogeny of birdsong: Nature/nurture redux

Song preferences predict the quality of vocal learning in zebra finches

In songbirds, learning to sing is a highly social process that likely involves social reward. Here, we tested the hypothesis that during song learning, the reward value of hearing a particular song predicts the degree to which that song will ultimately be learned. We measured the early song preferences of young male zebra finches (Taeniopygia guttata) in an operant key-pressing assay; each of two keys was associated with a higher likelihood of playing the song of the father or that of another familiar adult ("neighbor"). To minimize the effects of exposure on learning, we implemented a novel reinforcement schedule that allowed us to detect preferences while balancing exposure to each song. On average, the juveniles significantly preferred the father's song early during song learning, before actual singing occurs in this species. When they reached adulthood, all the birds copied the father's song. The accuracy with which the father's song was imitated was positively correlated with the peak strength of the preference for the father's song during the sensitive period of song learning. Our results show that preference for the song of a chosen tutor, in this case the father, predicted vocal learning during development.

Evidence for Teaching in an Australian Songbird

Song in oscine birds (as in human speech and song) relies upon the rare capacity of vocal learning. Transmission can be vertical, horizontal, or oblique. As a rule, memorization and production by a naïve bird are not simultaneous: the long-term storage of song phrases precedes their first vocal rehearsal by months. While a wealth of detail regarding songbird enculturation has been uncovered by focusing on the apprentice, whether observational learning can fully account for the ontogeny of birdsong, or whether there could also be an element of active teaching involved, has remained an open question. Given the paucity of knowledge on animal cultures, I argue for the utility of an inclusive definition of teaching that encourages data be collected across a wide range of taxa. Borrowing insights from musicology, I introduce the Australian pied butcherbird (Cracticus nigrogularis) into the debate surrounding mechanisms of cultural transmission. I probe the relevance and utility of mentalistic, culture-based, and functionalist approaches to teaching in this species. Sonographic analysis of birdsong recordings and observational data (including photographs) of pied butcherbird behavior at one field site provide evidence that I assess based on criteria laid down by Caro and Hauser, along with later refinements to their functionalist definition. The candidate case of teaching reviewed here adds to a limited but growing body of reports supporting the notion that teaching may be more widespread than is currently realized. Nonetheless, I describe the challenges of confirming that learning has occurred in songbird pupils, given the delay between vocal instruction and production, as well as the low status accorded to anecdote and other observational evidence commonly mustered in instances of purported teaching. As a corrective, I press for an emphasis on biodiversity that will guide the study of teaching beyond human accounts and intractable discipline-specific burdens of proof.

To Become Senders, Songbirds Must be Receivers First

Courtship signals are attractive; in other words, receivers are motivated to approach courtship signals. Though the concept of a receiver is commonly associated in the literature with that of a mate seeker, young songbirds that are learning to sing by imitating conspecifics are also receivers. Juvenile songbirds are attracted to conspecific songs, which has been shown by juveniles working to hear song in operant chambers. The mechanisms explaining this attraction are poorly understood. Here, I review studies that hint at the mechanisms by which conspecific song becomes attractive. In at least some species, juveniles imitate individuals with which they have a strong social bond, such as the father. Such cases suggest that social reward plays a role in the process of song becoming attractive. In addition, experiments using birds reared in isolation from conspecific song have shown that juveniles imitate songs that have acoustic features that are typically found in conspecific song. Those studies suggest that such features are attractive to juveniles regardless of their social experience. The relative contributions of social reward and species-typical acoustic features to the attractiveness of a song can be determined using methods such as operant conditioning. For example, juvenile songbirds can be given control over the playback of songs that differ in a given attribute, such as acoustic similarity to the song of the father. The juveniles will frequently elicit playback of the songs that are attractive to them. Investigating the mechanisms that contribute to the attractiveness of conspecific song to learners will broaden our understanding of the evolution of song as a courtship signal, because the preferences of learners may ultimately determine what will be sung to potential mates.

A Note on the Scope of Developmental Behaviour Genetics

The behaviour genetic decomposition of individual differences has been presented as being irrelevant to the study of human behavioural ontogeny. This introduces two problems. First, the analysis of systematic differences constitutes the basis for most statistical models used in the social sciences. If, generally speaking, this type of analysis is uninformative regarding development, how then can one empirically investigate human development? Second, behaviour genetic analyses are the only way to arrive at meaningful statements regarding the contributions of heredity and environment to human development. If results thus obtained are irrelevant, it is impossible to say anything on the subject of heredity, environment, and human ontogeny that is both meaningful and informative.

It is argued that developmental behaviour genetics should not be viewed as a theory of development, but rather as a method of testing certain well-defined hypotheses regarding the contributions of genetic and environmental influences to human development.

Individual differences assessed at any point in time reflect developmental processes prior to that time-gene-environment models are in a very basic sense inherently developmental... (Loehlin, 1975, p.41).

Obviously the finding of innate differences in behaviour does not illuminate the development of that behaviour in any way (Johnston, 1988, p. 623).

Three myths from the language acquisition literature

THREE POPULAR ASSERTIONS HAVE HINDERED THE PROMOTION OF AN EMPIRICIST APPROACH TO LANGUAGE ACQUISITION: (a) that Brown and Hanlon (1970) claimed to offer data that parents do not reinforce their children's grammaticality; (b) that Brown and Hanlon also claimed to offer data that parents do not provide negative evidence (i.e., corrective feedback) for ungrammaticality; and (c) that Gold (1967) claimed to offer a formal proof showing that, without negative evidence, a child cannot acquire a language solely from environmental input. In this paper I offer introductory comments on the nature-nurture distinction (including interactionism, and the nativists' claim to have found a gene for language). Next I debunk the three aforementioned assertions by arguing that the authors (Brown & Hanlon; Gold) never made the claims attributed to them; review evidence on the role of reinforcement and corrective feedback in language acquisition; and offer some concluding comments.

Language acquisition in the absence of experience

A fundamental goal of linguistic theory is to explain how natural languages are acquired. This paper describes some recent findings on how learners acquire syntactic knowledge for which there is little, if any, decisive evidence from the environment. The first section presents several general observations about language acquisition that linguistic theory has tried to explain and discusses the thesis that certain linguistic properties are innate because they appear universally and in the absence of corresponding experience. A third diagnostic for innateness, early emergence, is the focus of the second section of the paper, in which linguistic theory is tested against recent experimental evidence on children's acquisition of syntax.

The nature of nurture: Genetic influence on “environmental” measures

Evidence for genetic influence on environmental measures will emerge in quantitative genetic analyses if genetically influenced characteristics of individuals are assessed by these environmental measures. Recent twin and adoption studies indicate substantial genetic influence when measures of the environment are treated as phenotypes in genetic analyses. Genetic influence has been documented for measures as diverse as videotaped observations of parental behavior toward their children, ratings by parents and children of their family environment, and ratings of peer groups, social support, and life events. Evidence for genetic influence on environmental measures includes some of the most widely used measures of environment – the Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment, the Family Environment Scales, and the Social Readjustment Rating Scale of life events, for example. The goal of this article is to document and discuss these findings and to elicit commentary that might help to shape the course of research on this topic, which has far-reaching implications for the behavioral and brain sciences.

Responses conditioned to fear-relevant stimuli survive extinction of the expectancy of the UCS

Davey suggests that increased resistance to extinction of CRs conditioned to fear-relevant stimuli may be due to more persistent expectancies of the UCS following these stimuli. However, this viewpoint is contradicted by existing empirical evidence that fear-relevant CRs survive an extinction trials series producing extinction of expectancies whereas CRs conditioned to non-fear-relevant CSs do not.

Eggs in more than one basket: Mediating mechanisms between evolution and phobias

The evolutionary origin of phobias is strongly supported by behavioral genetics and monkey vicarious conditioning data. Prepared Pavlovian conditioning may be only one of the mechanisms mediating the evolutionarily determined outcome in phobias, avoidance. Davey's alternative biased expectancy hypothesis has merit in accounting for some aspects of laboratory data, but it is insufficient to explain the unconscious origin of phobic fear.

Preparedness, phobias, and the Panglossian paradigm

In his critique of preparedness theory, Davey does not address the limitations of adaptationism. The purpose of this commentary is to outline problems that arise when one assumes that mental illness (e.g., phobic disorder) must have had adaptive significance for it to have survived the vicissitudes of natural selection.

Natural selection and fear regulation mechanisms

Expectations can facilitate rapid fear conditioning and this may explain some phenomena that have been attributed to preparedness. However, preparedness remains the best explanation for some aspects of clinical phobias and the difficulty of creating fears of modern dangers. Rapid fear conditioning based on expectancy is not an alternative to an evolutionary explanation, but has, like preparedness, been shaped by natural selection.

Innateness versus expectation in human fears: Causal versus maintaining factors?

This commentary focuses upon two issues raised by Davey's target article: (1) whether there are certain core features of stimuli we learn to fear, rather than specific types of objects or situations, which implies some element of innateness; and (2) whether expectancy biases serve to maintain rather than generate anxiety.

Expectancy bias as sole or partial account of selective associations?

Davey reviews evidence purporting to distinguish between two accounts of selective associations – expectancy bias and evolved predispositions, although these hypotheses largely apply to different levels of causal analysis. Criticisms of primate studies in which subjects lack prior exposure to stimuli seem uncompelling. Expectancies may sometimes serve as proximal mediators in selective associations, but other factors, both proximate and ultimate, are clearly also involved.

The uneven distribution of fears and phobias: A nonassociative account

A review of data concerning the uneven distribution of phobias suggests that nonassociative, ethological models can account for most of tile important findings that cannot be attributed to expectancy biases. The origin of a variety of fears that appear in fixed developmental patterns across divergent cultures and species can best be explained by biological models.

Preparedness and phobias: Specific evolved associations or a generalized expectancy bias?

Most phobias are focussed on a small number of fear-inducing stimuli (e.g., snakes, spiders). A review of the evidence supporting biological and cognitive explanations of this uneven distribution of phobias suggests that the readiness with which such stimuli become associated with aversive outcomes arises from biases in the processing of information about threatening stimuli rather than from phylogenetically based associative predispositions or “biological preparedness.” This cognitive bias, consisting of a heightened expectation of aversive outcomes following fear-relevant stimuli, generates and maintains robust learned associations between them. Some of the features of such stimuli which determine this expectancy bias are estimates of how dangerous they are, the semiotic similarity between them and their aversive outcomes, and the degree of prior fear they elicit. Ontogenetic and cultural factors influence these features of fear-relevant stimuli and are hence important in determining expectancy bias. The available evidence does not exclude the possibility that both expectancy biases and specific evolved predispositions coexist, but the former can explain a number of important findings that the latter cannot.

A stochastic optimality theory of preparedness and plasticity

Many now consider “instinct” and “learning” opposite poles of a unidimensional continuum. An alternative model with two independently varying parameters predicts different selective pressures. Behavioral adaptation matches the organism's utilizations of stimuli and responses to their ecological validities: the mean validity over evolutionary time specifies the optimal initial potency of the prepared association; the variance specifies the optimal prepared plasticity.