The Meta-Plot

Abstract. The meta-plot is a descriptive visual tool for meta-analysis that provides information on the primary studies in the meta-analysis and the results of the meta-analysis. More precisely, the meta-plot portrays (1) the precision and statistical power of the primary studies in the meta-analysis, (2) the estimate and confidence interval of a random-effects meta-analysis, (3) the results of a cumulative random-effects meta-analysis yielding a robustness check of the meta-analytic effect size with respect to primary studies’ precision, and (4) evidence of publication bias. After explaining the underlying logic and theory, the meta-plot is applied to two cherry-picked meta-analyses that appear to be biased and to 10 randomly selected meta-analyses from the psychological literature. We recommend accompanying any meta-analysis of common effect size measures with the meta-plot.

Adolescent Cranial Volume as a Sensitive Marker of Parental Investment: The Role of Non-material Resources?

Growth of different body parts in humans is sensitive to different resource constraints that are mediated by parental investment. Parental investment can involve the expenditure of material, cognitive, and emotional resources on offspring. Cranial volume, an important predictor of cognitive ability, appears understudied in this context. We asked (1) whether there are associations between growth and family structure, self-reported estimates for resource availability, and sibling number; and (2) whether these constraints relate to head and body growth in a similar manner. We assessed the associations between parental investment, height, and cranial volume in a cross-sectional study of Estonian children (born 1980-87, aged 11-17). Height correlated negatively with the number of siblings but this association became negligible in a model controlling for birthweight, parental heights, and mother's age at birth. Unlike height, cranial volume was unrelated to sibling number, but it was negatively associated with self-reported meat and general resource shortage. Cranial volume was related to family structure and paternal education. Children living with both birth-parents had larger heads than those living in families containing a step-parent. Since these family types did not differ with respect to meat or general resource shortage, our findings suggest that families including both genetic parents provide non-material benefits that stimulate predominantly cranial growth. For the studied developmental period, cranial volume appeared a more sensitive marker of growth constraints than height. The potential of using cranial volume for quantifying physical impact of non-material parental investment deserves further attention.

Non-g Factors Predict Educational and Occupational Criteria: More than g

In a prior issue of the Journal of Intelligence, I argued that the most important scientific issue in intelligence research was to identify specific abilities with validity beyond g (i.e., variance common to mental tests) (Coyle, T.R. Predictive validity of non-g residuals of tests: More than g. Journal of Intelligence 2014, 2, 21–25.). In this Special Issue, I review my research on specific abilities related to non-g factors. The non-g factors include specific math and verbal abilities based on standardized tests (SAT, ACT, PSAT, Armed Services Vocational Aptitude Battery). I focus on two non-g factors: (a) non-g residuals, obtained after removing g from tests, and (b) ability tilt, defined as within-subject differences between math and verbal scores, yielding math tilt (math > verbal) and verbal tilt (verbal > math). In general, math residuals and tilt positively predict STEM criteria (college majors, jobs, GPAs) and negatively predict humanities criteria, whereas verbal residuals and tilt show the opposite pattern. The paper concludes with suggestions for future research, with a focus on theories of non-g factors (e.g., investment theories, Spearman’s Law of Diminishing Returns, Cognitive Differentiation-Integration Effort Model) and a magnification model of non-g factors.

How Universal Is the General Factor of Personality? An Analysis of the Big Five in Forager Farmers of the Bolivian Amazon

In various personality models, such as the Big Five, a consistent higher order general factor of personality (GFP) can be identified. One view in the literature is that the GFP reflects general social effectiveness. Most GFP studies, however, have been conducted in Western, educated, industrialized, and rich democracies (WEIRD). Therefore, to address the question of the universality of the GFP, we test whether the GFP can also be identified in a preliterate indigenous sample of Tsimane by using self-reports, spouse reports, and interviewer ratings. In the Tsimane, a viable GFP could be identified and the intercorrelations between personality traits were significantly stronger than in samples from industrial countries. The GFP correlated with the ratings of social engagement. In addition, self and spouse ratings of the GFP overlapped. Overall, the findings are in line with the notion that the GFP is a human universal and a substantive personality factor reflecting social effectiveness.

The Relation of Personality and Intelligence-What Can the Brunswik Symmetry Principle Tell Us?

Personality and intelligence are defined as hierarchical constructs, ranging from broad g-factors to (domain-)specific constructs. The present study investigated whether different combinations of hierarchical levels lead to different personality-intelligence correlations. Based on the integrative data analysis approach, we combined a total of five data sets. The focus of the first study (N = 682) was an elaborated measurement of personality (NEO-PI-R), which was applied with a relatively short intelligence test (Intelligence Structure Test 2000 R). In the second study (N = 413), a comprehensive measurement of intelligence (Berlin Intelligence Structure test) was used with a shorter personality questionnaire (NEO-FFI). In line with the Brunswik symmetry principle, the findings emphasize that personality-intelligence correlations varied greatly across the hierarchical levels of constructs considered in the analysis. On average, Openness showed the largest relation with intelligence. We recommend for future studies to investigate personality-intelligence relations at more fine-grained levels based on elaborated measurements of both personality and intelligence.

Reply to Van Lange et al.: Proximate and ultimate distinctions must be made to the CLASH model

Transcending reviewed proximate theories, Van Lange et al.'s CLASH model attempts to ultimately explain the poleward declension of aggression and violence. Seasonal cold is causal, but, we contend, principally as an ecologically relevant evolutionary pressure. We further argue that futurity and restraint are life history variables, and that Life History Theory evolutionarily explains the biogeography of aggression and violence as strategic adaptation.

Considering the role of ecology on individual differentiation

Our commentary articulates some of the commonalities between Baumeister et al.'s theory of socially differentiated roles and Strategic Differentiation-Integration Effort. We expand upon the target article's position by arguing that differentiating social roles is contextual and driven by varying ecological pressures, producing character displacement not only among individuals within complex societies, but also across social systems and multiple levels of organization.

Is there a genetic correlation between general factors of intelligence and personality?

We tested a hypothesis that there is no genetic correlation between general factors of intelligence and personality, despite both having been selected for in human evolution. This was done using twin samples from Australia, the United States, the Netherlands, Great Britain, and Croatia, comprising altogether 1,748 monozygotic and 1,329 same-sex dizygotic twin pairs. Although parameters in the model-fitting differed among the twin samples, the genetic correlation between the two general factors could be set to zero, with a better fit if the U.S. sample was excepted.

The Rules of the Game Called Psychological Science

If science were a game, a dominant rule would probably be to collect results that are statistically significant. Several reviews of the psychological literature have shown that around 96% of papers involving the use of null hypothesis significance testing report significant outcomes for their main results but that the typical studies are insufficiently powerful for such a track record. We explain this paradox by showing that the use of several small underpowered samples often represents a more efficient research strategy (in terms of finding p < .05) than does the use of one larger (more powerful) sample. Publication bias and the most efficient strategy lead to inflated effects and high rates of false positives, especially when researchers also resorted to questionable research practices, such as adding participants after intermediate testing. We provide simulations that highlight the severity of such biases in meta-analyses. We consider 13 meta-analyses covering 281 primary studies in various fields of psychology and find indications of biases and/or an excess of significant results in seven. These results highlight the need for sufficiently powerful replications and changes in journal policies.