The expanding class divide in happiness in the United States, 1972-2016

Valuing versus having: The contrary roles of valuing and having money and prestige on well-being

Using data from Midlife in the United States (N=3,767), this study investigates how believing having money or occupational prestige is important for a good life is associated with different aspects of well-being. Actual income was positively associated with sense of purpose, personal growth, self-acceptance, environmental mastery, and life satisfaction, negatively associated with negative affect, and was not associated with autonomy, positive relations with others, or positive affect. Meanwhile, perceiving having enough money or extra money as important for a good life predicted poorer well-being across all nine well-being indicators. Occupational prestige was positively associated with sense of purpose, autonomy, personal growth, self-acceptance, environmental mastery, and life satisfaction, while perceiving having occupational prestige as important was negatively associated with autonomy, personal growth, self-acceptance, positive relations with others, and positively with negative affect. The discussion focuses on how desiring money or prestige can influence well-being beyond having-or not having-those desires.

Trajectories of psychological distress over multiple COVID-19 lockdowns in Australia

The impact of the global COVID-19 pandemic, including the indirect effect of policy responses, on psychological distress has been the subject of much research. However, there has been little consideration of how the prevalence of psychological distress changed with the duration and repetition of lockdowns, or the rate of resolution of psychological distress once lockdowns ended. This study describes the trajectories of psychological distress over multiple lockdowns during the first two years of the pandemic across five Australian states for the period May 2020 to December 2021 and examines whether psychological distress trajectories varied as a function of time spent in lockdown, or time since lockdown ended.

A total of N = 574,306 Australian adults completed Facebook surveys over 611 days (on average 940 participants per day). Trajectories of psychological distress (depression and anxiety) were regressed on lockdown duration and time since lockdown ended. Random effects reflecting the duration of each lockdown were included to account for varying effects on psychological distress associated with lockdown length.

The prevalence of psychological distress was higher during periods of lockdown, more so for longer lockdowns relative to shorter lockdowns. Psychological distress increased rapidly over the first ten weeks of lockdowns spanning at least twelve weeks, though less rapidly for short lockdowns of three weeks or less. Psychological distress levels tended to stabilise, or even decrease, after ten consecutive weeks of lockdown. After lockdown restrictions were lifted, psychological distress rapidly subsided but did not return to pre-lockdown levels within four weeks, although continued to decline afterwards.

In Australia short lockdowns of pre-announced durations were associated with slower rises in psychological distress. Lockdowns may have left some temporary residual population effect, but we cannot discern whether this reflects longer term trends in increasing psychological distress. However, the findings do re-emphasise the resilience of individuals to major life stressors.

The increasing cost of happiness

A fundamental question for society is how much happiness does a dollar buy? The accepted view among economists and psychologists is that income has diminishing marginal returns on happiness: money and happiness increase together up to a point after which there is relatively little further gain. In this paper we estimate the relationship between income and subjective wellbeing over a 19-year period focusing on where the greatest change in the marginal return on income occurs and whether this change point has shifted over time. We formally test for the presence of a change point as well as temporal changes in the relationship between income and affective wellbeing (happiness), and income and cognitive wellbeing (life satisfaction), using household economic data from Australia between 2001 and 2019. The results indicate that the change point between affective wellbeing and income has increased over those 19 years faster than inflation (i.e., cost of living). This suggests that inequalities in income may be driving increasing inequities in happiness between the rich and the poor, with implications for health and recent government policy-goals to monitor and improve wellbeing.

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We investigate how the relationship between income and subjective wellbeing (happiness and life satisfaction) has changed over time.

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Detailed wellbeing data from Australia over an economically stable 19-year period provided an undisturbed view of the changes.

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Happiness was less responsive to income after a certain income level, and this level had almost doubled since 2001.

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Conversely the relationship between income and life-satisfaction had remained relatively constant over the same period.

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A steep association between happiness and income has become more prevalent this millennium, and likely to drive inequities in wellbeing between the rich and poor.