Modulation in alpha band activity reflects syntax composition: an MEG study of minimal syntactic binding

Multiple dimensions of syntactic structure are resolved earliest in posterior temporal cortex

How we combine minimal linguistic units into larger structures remains an unresolved topic in neuroscience. Language processing involves the abstract construction of 'vertical' and 'horizontal' information simultaneously (e.g., phrase structure, morphological agreement), but previous paradigms have been constrained in isolating only one type of composition and have utilized poor spatiotemporal resolution. Using intracranial recordings, we report multiple experiments designed to separate phrase structure from morphosyntactic agreement. Epilepsy patients (n = 10) were presented with auditory two-word phrases grouped into pseudoword-verb ('trab run') and pronoun-verb either with or without Person agreement ('they run' vs. 'they runs'). Phrase composition and Person violations both resulted in significant increases in broadband high gamma activity approximately 300 ms after verb onset in posterior middle temporal gyrus (pMTG) and posterior superior temporal sulcus (pSTS), followed by inferior frontal cortex (IFC) at 500 ms. While sites sensitive to only morphosyntactic violations were distributed, those sensitive to both composition types were generally confined to pSTS/pMTG and IFC. These results indicate that posterior temporal cortex shows the earliest sensitivity for hierarchical linguistic structure across multiple dimensions, providing neural resources for distinct windows of composition. This region is comprised of sparsely interwoven heterogeneous constituents that afford cortical search spaces for dissociable syntactic relations.

Localizing Syntactic Composition with Left-Corner Recurrent Neural Network Grammars

In computational neurolinguistics, it has been demonstrated that hierarchical models such as recurrent neural network grammars (RNNGs), which jointly generate word sequences and their syntactic structures via the syntactic composition, better explained human brain activity than sequential models such as long short-term memory networks (LSTMs). However, the vanilla RNNG has employed the top-down parsing strategy, which has been pointed out in the psycholinguistics literature as suboptimal especially for head-final/left-branching languages, and alternatively the left-corner parsing strategy has been proposed as the psychologically plausible parsing strategy. In this article, building on this line of inquiry, we investigate not only whether hierarchical models like RNNGs better explain human brain activity than sequential models like LSTMs, but also which parsing strategy is more neurobiologically plausible, by developing a novel fMRI corpus where participants read newspaper articles in a head-final/left-branching language, namely Japanese, through the naturalistic fMRI experiment. The results revealed that left-corner RNNGs outperformed both LSTMs and top-down RNNGs in the left inferior frontal and temporal-parietal regions, suggesting that there are certain brain regions that localize the syntactic composition with the left-corner parsing strategy.

Online neurostimulation of Broca's area does not interfere with syntactic predictions: A combined TMS-EEG approach to basic linguistic combination

Categorical predictions have been proposed as the key mechanism supporting the fast pace of syntactic composition in language. Accordingly, grammar-based expectations are formed-e.g., the determiner "a" triggers the prediction for a noun-and facilitate the analysis of incoming syntactic information, which is then checked against a single or few other word categories. Previous functional neuroimaging studies point towards Broca's area in the left inferior frontal gyrus (IFG) as one fundamental cortical region involved in categorical prediction during incremental language processing. Causal evidence for this hypothesis is however still missing. In this study, we combined Electroencephalography (EEG) and Transcranial Magnetic Stimulation (TMS) to test whether Broca's area is functionally relevant in predictive mechanisms for language. We transiently perturbed Broca's area during the first word in a two-word construction, while simultaneously measuring the Event-Related Potential (ERP) correlates of syntactic composition. We reasoned that if Broca's area is involved in predictive mechanisms for syntax, disruptive TMS during the first word would mitigate the difference in the ERP responses for predicted and unpredicted categories in basic two-word constructions. Contrary to this hypothesis, perturbation of Broca's area at the predictive stage did not affect the ERP correlates of basic composition. The correlation strength between the electrical field induced by TMS and the ERP responses further confirmed this pattern. We discuss the present results considering an alternative account of the role of Broca's area in syntactic composition, namely the bottom-up integration of words into constituents, and of compensatory mechanisms within the language predictive network.