Maternal suicide in Italy

Suicide has been identified as one of the most common causes of death among women within 1 year after the end of pregnancy in several high-income countries. The aim of this study was to provide the first estimate of the maternal suicide ratio and a description of the characteristics of women who died by suicide during pregnancy or within 1 year after giving birth, induced abortion or miscarriage (i.e., maternal suicide) in 10 Italian regions, covering 77% of total national births. Maternal suicides were identified through the linkage between regional death registries and hospital discharge databases. Background population data was collected from the national hospital discharge, abortion and mortality databases. The previous psychiatric history of the women who died by maternal suicide was retrieved from the regionally available data sources. A total of 67 cases of maternal suicide were identified, corresponding to a maternal suicide ratio of 2.30 per 100,000 live births in 2006-2012. The suicide rate was 1.18 per 100,000 after giving birth (n = 2,876,193), 2.77 after an induced abortion (n = 650,549) and 2.90 after a miscarriage (n = 379,583). The majority of the women who died by maternal suicide (34/57) had a previous psychiatric history; 15/18 previously diagnosed mental disorders were not registered along with the index pregnancy obstetric records. Suicide is a relevant cause of maternal death in Italy. The continuity of care between primary, mental health and maternity care were found to be critical. Clinicians should be aware of the issue, as they may play an important role in preventing suicide in their patients.

The abortion and mental health controversy: A comprehensive literature review of common ground agreements, disagreements, actionable recommendations, and research opportunities

The abortion and mental health controversy is driven by two different perspectives regarding how best to interpret accepted facts. When interpreting the data, abortion and mental health proponents are inclined to emphasize risks associated with abortion, whereas abortion and mental health minimalists emphasize pre-existing risk factors as the primary explanation for the correlations with more negative outcomes. Still, both sides agree that (a) abortion is consistently associated with elevated rates of mental illness compared to women without a history of abortion; (b) the abortion experience directly contributes to mental health problems for at least some women; (c) there are risk factors, such as pre-existing mental illness, that identify women at greatest risk of mental health problems after an abortion; and (d) it is impossible to conduct research in this field in a manner that can definitively identify the extent to which any mental illnesses following abortion can be reliably attributed to abortion in and of itself. The areas of disagreement, which are more nuanced, are addressed at length. Obstacles in the way of research and further consensus include (a) multiple pathways for abortion and mental health risks, (b) concurrent positive and negative reactions, (c) indeterminate time frames and degrees of reactions, (d) poorly defined terms, (e) multiple factors of causation, and (f) inherent preconceptions based on ideology and disproportionate exposure to different types of women. Recommendations for collaboration include (a) mixed research teams, (b) co-design of national longitudinal prospective studies accessible to any researcher, (c) better adherence to data sharing and re-analysis standards, and (d) attention to a broader list of research questions.