Familial Power and Women's Contradictory Responses to Attitudinal Questions About Intimate Partner Violence in Rural Bangladesh

Does Female Authority Prevent Male Marital Violence? Evidence From Rural Bangladesh

While relative resource status between husband and wife is widely discussed in the explanation of male marital violence (MMV) behaviors, the influence of relative family authority between husband and wife on the violence has been generally overlooked in previous studies. An examination can provide a better understanding of the issue. This study examined how various levels of female authority within the family are associated with MMV against women in rural Bangladesh. The study adopted a cross-sectional design and included 342 married men randomly selected from five northwest villages. Negative binomial regression was performed to predict the frequency of self-reported MMV behaviors in a 1-year recall period which estimated the ratios comparing absolute male authority to egalitarian authority within the family. Of the sample, 37.4% were the egalitarian/fair female authority, 41.2% were the higher male authority, and 21.4% were absolute male authority families; 71.1% of the men revealed that they had resorted to at least one incident of MMV (psychological or physical or sexual) against their wives in the year preceding the survey. The mean of yearly MMV occurrences was 6.29 (SD = 7.58), ranging from 0 to 42. The study revealed that the frequency of MMV against women was 1.96 times higher among absolute male authority families than in egalitarian families. It further revealed that the frequency of psychological abuse was 1.63 times, physical attack 2.89 times, and sexual coercion 1.88 times higher among absolute male authority families than among egalitarian/fair female authority families. Higher male authority did not appear to be different from egalitarian authority in MMV occurrences. The study suggests that increased female authority within the family unit may prevent women from being exposed to MMV in a patriarchal social order.

Gender norms and social norms: differences, similarities and why they matter in prevention science

Two streams of theory and practice on gender equity have begun to elide. The first is work conducted to change social norms, particularly using theory that emerged from studies in social psychology. The second is work done on gender norms, emerging historically from feminist scholars working to counter gender inequality. As these two streams of work intersect, conceptual clarity is needed to understand differences and similarities between these two traditions. Increased clarity will improve efforts to address harmful norms and practices. In this article, we review similarities and differences between social and gender norms, reviewing the history of the concepts and identifying key tension points of contrast. We identified six areas of comparison that might be helpful for practitioners working for the promotion of global health as they make sense of social and gender norms. We then offer a definition of gender norms for practitioners and researchers working at the intersection between these two theories. Our definition draws from the two different streams of thought of how norms influence people's actions, acknowledging the double nature of gender norms: beliefs nested in people's minds and embedded in institutions that profoundly affect health-related behaviours and shape differential access to health services.

Women's opinion on the justification of physical spousal violence: A quantitative approach to model the most vulnerable households in Bangladesh

Bangladesh is a culturally conservative nation with limited freedom for women. A number of studies have evaluated intimate partner violence (IPV) and spousal physical violence in Bangladesh; however, the views of women have been rarely discussed in a quantitative manner. Three nationwide surveys in Bangladesh (2007, 2011, and 2014) were analyzed in this study to characterize the most vulnerable households, where women themselves accepted spousal physical violence as a general norm. 31.3%, 31.9% and 28.7% women in the surveys found justification for physical violence in household in 2007, 2011 and 2014 respectively. The binary logistic model showed wealth index, education of both women and their partner, religion, geographical division, decision making freedom and marital age as significant household contributors for women's perspective in all the three years. Women in rich households and the highly educated were found to be 40% and 50% less likely to accept domestic physical violence compared to the poorest and illiterate women. Similarly, women who got married before 18 years were 20% more likely accept physical violence in the family as a norm. Apart from these particular groups (richest, highly educated and married after 18 years), other groups had around 30% acceptance rate of household violence. For any successful attempt to reduce spousal physical violence in the traditional patriarchal society of Bangladesh, interventions must target the most vulnerable households and the geographical areas where women experience spousal violence. Although this paper focuses on women's attitudes, it is important that any intervention scheme should be devised to target both men and women.