From diversity to unity. The classification of mental disorders in 21st-century China

Psychiatric disease constructs represent social constructs and genuine states of distress that have biopsychosocial sources. As such, they have social uses peculiar to the social groups in which they are created and legitimized. This is as true in the United States as in the rest of the world. The DSM schema, for instance, is so organized that every possible mental condition is listed as a disease to legitimate remuneration to practitioners from private medical insurance and government programs. This particular social use may be irrelevant to other societies where health care is financed differently. The CCMD-3 system represents an attempt at global unification and preservation of features that are salient for local application. Compared with its previous editions, noticeable changes have been made to render it in tune with international usage. This remarkable speed of adaptation speaks to the global flows of information technology and China's openness under rapid economic reform. It also demonstrates that the middle-aged cohort of more pragmatic Chinese psychiatric leaders who headed the CCMD-3 task force are now less vulnerable to the domination of the most senior generation of Chinese psychiatrists. Having been trained in the Russian system of psychiatry and gone through the various periods of national shame that traumatized China, they used to be very cautious about adopting foreign technology in general. This is why much less harmonization with the ICD-10 occurred with the CCMD-2-R, when the responsible task force was, for better or worse, dominated by these senior psychiatrists. Nonetheless, as Stengel and Sartorius remarked, an international classification must not aim to oust or replace regional classifications that serve valuable functions in the local contexts. No single classificatory system, Kirmayer submits, will suffice for all purposes--the correct diagnostic scheme is the one that accomplishes its explicit pragmatic aim by addressing the relevant level of description. The particular additions (e.g., travelling psychosis, culture-related mental disorders), deletions (e.g., depressive neurosis, pathologic gambling, avoidant and borderline personality disorders), retentions (e.g., unipolar mania, neurosis, hysteria, homosexuality), and epistemologic variations (e.g., somatoform disorder, neurasthenia) of diagnostic categories reflect exactly this simultaneous need to globalize and to take account of the changing reality of illness in contemporary China. Stengel advised that "no psychiatric classification can help being partly etiological and partly symptomatological, because these are the criteria by which psychiatrists distinguish mental disorders from each other." To an extent, the CCMD-3 is a critique of certain nosologic assumptions of Western psychiatry, such as the feasibility of a neo-Kraepelinian taxonomy grounded exclusively in symptomatology across all diagnostic categories, and the validity of syndromic architectures based on a firm adherence to the mind-body dichotomy. From this angle of vision, local systems of classification such as the CCMD-3 may offer an opportunity for needed reflections by North American psychiatrists who have simply taken the DSM-IV schema for granted. Sartorius reckoned that a classification is a way of seeing the world at a point in time. A deep study of the CCMD-3 is thus an avenue for achieving an understanding of the contemporary Chinese mind and the social realities in China. The remarkable diversity of China at present, namely, a Communist Party dominated state socialist political structure but the most rapidly growing capitalist economy in the world, guarantees that Chinese people's social and moral experience of illness will continue to change. The study of such culture-specific categories as travelling psychosis, neurasthenia, qigong-induced mental disorder, and dysfunctional homosexuality sheds light on the larger sociomoral processes and destabilizing changes in subjectivity that are occurring in this most populous country in the world.

Cross-Cultural Research on Anorexia Nervosa: Assumptions Regarding the Role of Body Weight

OBJECTIVE

To critically examine two assumptions guiding cross-cultural research on the weight concerns of anorexia nervosa: (1) that weight concerns are specific to contemporary, Western manifestations of the disorder and (2) that the dissemination of Western values regarding thinness is primarily responsible for the development of anorexia nervosa in non-Western contexts.

METHOD

A review of theoretical and empirical literature on cross-cultural aspects of anorexia nervosa and the medical records of 14 Asian patients treated for eating disorders in Sydney, Australia.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

Regarding the first assumption: It is argued that weight concerns when defined as weight loss that is positively valued (rather than a fat phobia) is a defining characteristic of anorexia nervosa and is not limited to contemporary, Western cases of the disorder. Regarding the second assumption: It is argued that the occurrence of anorexia nervosa in non-Western contexts cannot be solely attributed to the acceptance of Western thinness ideals because values and practices intrinsic to non-Western cultures are also likely to be etiologically relevant.

Cultures in psychiatric nosology: the CCMD-2-R and international classification of mental disorders

This essay reviews the Chinese Classification of Mental Disorders, Second Edition, Revised (CCMD-2-R, 1995), by assuming the theoretical stance that symptom recognition, disease construction, and taxonomic strategy in psychiatry reflect, and are constrained by, the cultural norms and values as well as the political and economic organizations of the society in which they are embedded. The CCMD-2-R is an ethnomedical classification grounded in both symptomatology and etiology, in which Chinese psychiatrists seek to conform with international classifications on the one hand, and to sustain a nosology with Chinese cultural characteristics on the other. Although broad similarities between the ICD-10 and CCMD-2-R are evident, their blending is legitimately incomplete. Thus, the particular additions (e.g., travelling psychosis, qigong induced mental disorders), deletions (e.g., somatoform disorders, pathological gambling, a number of personality and sexual disorders), retentions (e.g., unipolar mania, neurosis, hysteria, homosexuality), and variations (e.g., depressive neurosis, neurasthenia) reveal not only the changing notions of illness but also the shifting social realities in contemporary China. The CCMD-2-R will be widely used by Chinese psychiatrists and should standardize diagnostic practice and facilitate research, but its impact on everyday clinical work and psychiatric training remains to be evaluated. For Western researchers, it is one avenue for achieving an understanding of the Chinese social world, and should usefully be contrasted with the ICD-10 and DSM-IV as the move towards an international nosology continues.

Reconsidering the status of anorexia nervosa as a western culture-bound syndrome

Based on Ritenbaugh's 1982 definition, this essay reconsiders the status of anorexia nervosa as a Western culture-bound syndrome (CBS). It argues that anorexia nervosa, in its culturally reconstructed fat phobic form, is no longer bound to specific Western localities. Instead, it may be conceived as being grounded in the transnational culture of 'modernity', characterized by an internationalised socio-economic stratum now found in many rapidly urbanising parts of the world, and composed of increased affluence, as well as the globalization of fat phobia and diffusion of biomedical technology. Although the treatment implication of Ritenbaugh's CBS concept may appear to be misplaced from the clinician's pragmatic perspective, its salience for clarifying the interaction of individual and cultural concerns in self-starvation, as well as for fostering a needed self-scrutiny in psychiatry, is affirmed. A critique of the dialectical relationship between culture and psychopathology is then put forward. This addresses the apparently conflicting role of anorexia nervosa in enacting as well as combating the cultural pursuit of thinness, and ends by highlighting the inadvertent influence of the biomedical establishment in propagating the condition with measures intended, ironically, for preventing it.

Self-starvation in context: towards a culturally sensitive understanding of anorexia nervosa

Extreme forms of self-starvation can be traced across time and place, and may be construed using a variety of explanatory models. Curiously, the prevailing biomedical definition of anorexia nervosa has assigned primacy to the exclusive use of 'fat phobia' by the affected subjects to justify their diminished food intake. This paper assembles evidence to show that this culturally constructed version of fat phobic anorexia nervosa has neglected the full metaphorical significance of self-starvation and, when applied in a cross-cultural context, may constitute a category fallacy. By delegitimizing other rationales for non-eating and thereby barring subjective expressions, this regnant interpretive strategy may obscure clinicians' understanding of patients' lived experience, and even jeopardize their treatment. Nonetheless, it is a relatively simple task to attune the extant diagnostic criteria to a polythetic approach which will avert cultural parochialism in psychiatric theory and practice. As a corollary of the archival and ethnocultural study of extreme self-starvation, there is, contrary to epistemological assumptions embedded in the biomedical culture of contemporary psychiatry, no 'core psychopathology' of anorexia nervosa.