Evidence for letter-specific position coding mechanisms

Transposed-character effects during learning to read: When does letter and non-letter strings processing become different?

Efficient reading requires the association of different letter identities with their positions in the written word. This leads to the development of a specialized mechanism for encoding flexible location-invariant letter positions through learning to read. In this study, we investigated not only the emergence and development of this position coding mechanism but also whether this mechanism is a consequence of the orthographic code (i.e., letter specific) or inherent to generic visual object recognition. To do so, the same-different matching task was used with children from Grade 1 to Grade 5 (Experiment 1) and with adults (Experiment 2). In both experiments, reference and target stimuli were composed of four-character strings (consonants, digits, and geometrical forms) and could be identical or different by transposing or substituting two internal characters. Analyses of response times, error rates, and discriminability indices revealed a transposed-character effect regardless of the type of characters in Grades 1 and 2, whereas transposed-character effects were greater for letter strings than for familiar non-letter strings in Grade 3, lasting up to Grade 5 as well as in adults. These results provided evidence in favor of a flexible position coding mechanism that is specific to letter strings, which emerges with reading experience as a consequence of parallel processing of letters within words.

Letters, Words, Sentences, and Reading

In this personal, and therefore highly selective, review article I summarize work performed in collaboration with numerous colleagues on how skilled adult readers perform identification tasks and speeded binary decision tasks involving single letters and visually presented words and sentences. The overarching aim is to highlight similarities in the processing performed at three key levels involved in written language comprehension (in languages that use an alphabetic script): letters, words, and sentences. The comparisons are made using behavioral data obtained with: i) speeded (response-limited) binary decision tasks; and ii) the effects of simultaneous surrounding context on letter and word identification using both data-limited (non-speeded) and response-limited procedures. I then propose a general framework that combines the three levels of processing, and that connects core processes at each level with the processing involved in tasks designed to reflect those core processes, and I end by suggesting possible avenues for future research with an aim to extend this general framework.

On the distinction between position and order information when processing strings of characters

To probe the processing of gaze-dependent positional information and gaze-independent order information when matching strings of characters, we compared effects of visual similarity (hypothesized to affect gaze-centered position coding) with the effects of character transpositions (hypothesized to affect the processing of gaze-independent order information). In Experiment 1, we obtained empirical measures of visual similarity for pairs of characters, separately for uppercase consonants and keyboard symbols. These similarity values were then used in Experiment 2 to create pairs of four-character stimuli (four letters or four symbols) that could differ by substituting one character with a different character from the same category that was visually similar (e.g., FJDK-FJBK) or dissimilar (e.g., FJVK-FJBK). We also compared the effects of transposing two characters (e.g., FBJK-FJBK) with substituting two characters (e.g., FHSK-FJBK). "Different" responses were harder to make in the single substitution condition when the substituted character was visually similar, and this effect was not conditioned by character type. On the other hand, transposition costs (i.e., greater difficulty in detecting a difference with transpositions compared with double substitutions) were greater for letters compared with symbols. We conclude that visual similarity mainly affects the generic gaze-dependent processing of complex visual features, and that the encoding of letter order involves a mechanism that is specific to reading.

A Letter is a Letter and its Co-Occurrences: Cracking the Emergence of Position-Invariance Processing

Visual word recognition requires encoding letter identities and positions (orthographic processing). The present study focuses on the emergence of the mechanism responsible for encoding letter order in a word: position invariance. Reading experience leads to developing a flexible mechanism that encodes the information of the position of letters, explaining why jugde and judge are easily confused. Critically, orthographic regularities (e.g., frequent letter co-occurrences) modulate letter position encoding: the pseudoword mohter is extremely similar to mother because, in middle positions, the bigram TH is much more frequent than HT. Here, we tested whether position invariance emerges rapidly after the exposition to orthographic regularities-bigrams-in a novel script. To that end, we designed a study with two phases. In Phase 1, following Chetail (2017; Experiment 1b, Cognition, 163, 103-120), individuals were first exposed to a flow of artificial words for a few minutes, with four bigrams occurring frequently. Afterward, participants judged the strings with trained bigrams as more wordlike (i.e., readers quickly picked up subtle new orthographic regularities) than the strings with untrained bigrams, replicating Chetail (2017). In Phase 2, participants performed a same-different matching task in which they had to decide whether pairs of five-letter strings were the same or not. The critical comparison was between pairs with a transposition of letters in a frequent (trained) versus infrequent (untrained) bigram. Results showed that participants were more prone to make errors with frequent bigrams than with infrequent bigrams with a letter transposition. These findings reveal that position invariance emerges rapidly, after continuous exposure to orthographic regularities.

Raeding with the fingres: Towards a universal model of letter position coding

Letter position coding in word recognition has been widely investigated in the visual modality (e.g., labotarory is confusable with laboratory), but not as much in the tactile modality using braille, leading to an incomplete understanding of whether this process is modality-dependent. Unlike sighted readers, braille readers do not show a transposed-letter similarity effect with nonadjacent transpositions (e.g., labotarory = labodanory; Perea et al., 2012). While this latter finding was taken to suggest that the flexibility in letter position coding was due to visual factors (e.g., perceptual uncertainty in the location of visual objects (letters)), it is necessary to test whether transposed-letter effects occur with adjacent letters to reach firm conclusions. Indeed, in the auditory modality (i.e., another serial modality), a transposed-phoneme effect occurs for adjacent but not for nonadjacent transpositions. In a lexical decision task, we examined whether pseudowords created by transposing two adjacent letters of a word (e.g., laboartory) are more confusable with their base word (laboratory) than pseudowords created by replacing those letters (laboestory) in braille. Results showed that transposed-letter pseudowords produced more errors and slower responses than the orthographic controls. Thus, these findings suggest that the mechanism of serial order, while universal, can be shaped by the sensory modality at play.

Reading about a RELO-VUTION

Pseudowords created by transposing two letters of words (e.g., MOHTER; CHOLOCATE) are highly confusable with their base word; this is known as the transposed-letter similarity effect. In this work, we examined whether transposed-letter effects occur when words span more than one line (e.g., CHOLO- in one line and CATE in another line; note that the transposed letters L and C are in different lines). While this type of presentation is not the canonical format for reading in alphabetic languages, it is widely used in advertising, billboards, and street signs. Transposed-letter pseudowords and their replacement-letter controls were written in the standard one-line format versus a two-line format (Experiments 1-2) or a syllable-per-line format (Experiment 3). While results showed some decrease in the transposed-letter effect in the two-line and syllabic formats, the transposed-letter effect was still substantial in the accuracy of responses. These findings demonstrate that even when the letters being transposed are relatively far apart in space, the transposed-letter effect is still robust. Thus, a major component of letter position coding occurs at an abstract level.

Searching beyond the looking glass with sandwich priming

Duñabeitia et al. (NeuroImage 54(4), 3004-3009, 2011) demonstrated that mirror letters induce the same electrophysiological response as canonical letters during the orthographic stage of visual word recognition. However, behavioral evidence in support of such an effect has remained scarce. We hypothesize that the poor reliability of the behavioral data could be due to the lack of sensitivity of the paradigms used in the literature. In Experiment 1 and Experiment 2, we compared conventional and sandwich-masked priming paradigms. Results showed that mirror primes (mirror) produced a significant priming effect on high-frequency words in the case of sandwich priming only. In Experiment 3, we used sandwich priming with a new material set to address a number of concerns regarding prime-target visual overlap. We obtained a graded facilitatory mirror-letter priming effect that acted additively with lexical frequency, thus supporting the idea that it originates in the fast automatic orthographic stage. Given that the graded priming effect provides little support for the idea of the complete preservation of mirror invariance for non-reversal letters, complementary explanations are explored.

Effects of horizontal displacement and inter-character spacing on transposed-character effects in same-different matching

In two same-different matching experiments we investigated whether transposed-character effects can be modulated by the horizontal displacement or inter-character spacing of target stimuli (strings of 6 consonants, digits, or symbols). Reference and target stimuli could be identical or differed either by transposing or substituting two characters. Transposition costs (greater difficulty in detecting a difference with transpositions compared with substitutions) were greater for letter stimuli compared to both digit and symbol stimuli in both experiments. In Experiment 1, half of the targets were displayed at the center of the screen and the other half were shifted by two character-positions to the left or to the right, whereas the reference was always presented at the center of the screen. Target displacement made the task harder and caused an increase in transposition costs whatever the type of stimulus. In Experiment 2, all stimuli were presented at the center of the screen and the inter-character spacing of target stimuli was increased by one character space on half of the trials. Increased spacing made the task harder and paradoxically caused an increase in transposition costs, but only significantly so for letter stimuli, and only in the discriminability (d') measure. These results suggest that target location and inter-character spacing manipulations caused an increase in positional uncertainty during the processing of location-specific complex features prior to activation of a location-invariant representation of character-in-string order. The hypothesized existence of a letter-specific order encoding mechanism accounts for the greater transposition costs seen with letter stimuli, as well as the greater modulation of these effects by an increase in inter-character spacing seen in discriminability (d').

The profile of real-time competition in spoken and written word recognition: More similar than different

Word recognition occurs across two sensory modalities: auditory (spoken words) and visual (written words). While each faces different challenges, they are often described in similar terms as a competition process by which multiple lexical candidates are activated and compete for recognition. While there is a general consensus regarding the types of words that compete during spoken word recognition, there is less consensus for written word recognition. The present study develops a novel version of the Visual World Paradigm (VWP) to examine written word recognition and uses this to assess the nature of the competitor set during word recognition in both modalities using the same experimental design. For both spoken and written words, we found evidence for activation of onset competitors (cohorts, e.g., cat, cap) and words that contain the same phonemes or letters in reverse order (anadromes, e.g., cat, tack). We found no evidence of activation for rhymes (e.g., cat, hat). The results across modalities were quite similar, with the exception that for spoken words, cohorts were more active than anadromes, whereas for written words activation was similar. These results suggest a common characterisation of lexical similarity across spoken and written words: temporal or spatial order is coarsely coded, and onsets may receive more weight in both systems. However, for spoken words, temporary ambiguity during the moment of processing gives cohorts an additional boost during real-time recognition.

Neural correlates of confusability in recognition of morphologically complex Korean words

When people confuse and reject a non-word that is created by switching two adjacent letters from an actual word, is called the transposition confusability effect (TCE). The TCE is known to occur at the very early stages of visual word recognition with such unit exchange as letters or syllables, but little is known about the brain mechanisms of TCE. In this study, we examined the neural correlates of TCE and the effect of a morpheme boundary placement on TCE. We manipulated the placement of a morpheme boundary by exchanging places of two syllables embedded in Korean morphologically complex words made up of lexical morpheme and grammatical morpheme. In the two experimental conditions, the transposition syllable within-boundary condition (TSW) involved exchanging two syllables within the same morpheme, whereas the across-boundary condition (TSA) involved the exchange of syllables across the stem and grammatical morpheme boundary. During fMRI, participants performed the lexical decision task. Behavioral results revealed that the TCE was found in TSW condition, and the morpheme boundary, which is manipulated in TSA, modulated the TCE. In the fMRI results, TCE induced activation in the left inferior parietal lobe (IPL) and intraparietal sulcus (IPS). The IPS activation was specific to a TCE and its strength of activation was associated with task performance. Furthermore, two functional networks were involved in the TCE: the central executive network and the dorsal attention network. Morpheme boundary modulation suppressed the TCE by recruiting the prefrontal and temporal regions, which are the key regions involved in semantic processing. Our findings propose the role of the dorsal visual pathway in syllable position processing and that its interaction with other higher cognitive systems is modulated by the morphological boundary in the early phases of visual word recognition.

On non-adjacent letter repetition and orthographic processing: Lexical decisions to nonwords created by repeating or inserting letters in words

Informal observation suggests that it is harder to notice the spelling mistake in "silencne" than "silencre." This concurs with current evidence that non-adjacent letter repetition in correctly spelled words makes these words harder to recognize. One possible explanation is provided by open-bigram coding. Words containing repeated letters are harder to recognize because they are represented by fewer bigrams than words without repeated letters. Building on this particular explanation for letter-repetition effects in words, we predicted that nonwords in a lexical decision task should also be sensitive to letter repetitions. In particular, we examined two types of nonwords generated from the same baseword: (1) nonwords created by repeating one of the letters in the baseword (e.g., silence => silencne); and (2) nonwords created by inserting a letter that is not present in the baseword (e.g., silencre). According to open-bigram coding, nonwords created by repeating a letter are more similar to their baseword than nonwords created by inserting a letter, and this should make it harder to reject letter repetition nonwords than letter insertion nonwords. We put these predictions to test in one on-line pilot study (n=31), one laboratory experiment (n=36), and one follow-up on-line experiment (n=40) where we manipulated the distance between repetitions (one, two, three, or four letters). Participants found it harder to reject repetition nonwords than insertion nonwords, and this effect diminished with increasing distance.

Do Grading Gray Stimuli Help to Encode Letter Position?

Numerous experiments in the past decades recurrently showed that a transposed-letter pseudoword (e.g., JUGDE) is much more wordlike than a replacement-letter control (e.g., JUPTE). Critically, there is an ongoing debate as to whether this effect arises at a perceptual level (e.g., perceptual uncertainty at assigning letter position of an array of visual objects) or at an abstract language-specific level (e.g., via a level of "open bigrams" between the letter and word levels). Here, we designed an experiment to test the limits of perceptual accounts of letter position coding. The stimuli in a lexical decision task were presented either with a homogeneous letter intensity or with a graded gray intensity, which indicated an unambiguous letter order. The pseudowords were either transposed-letter pseudowords or replaced-letter pseudowords (e.g., jugde vs. jupte). The results showed much longer response times and substantially more errors in the transposed-letter pseudowords than in the replacement-letter pseudowords, regardless of visual format. These findings favor the idea that language-specific orthographic element factors play an essential role when encoding letter position during word recognition.

Morpheme Position Coding in Reading Development as Explored With a Letter Search Task

Suffixes have been shown to be recognized as units of processing in visual word recognition and their identification has been argued to be position-specific in skilled adult readers: in lexical decision tasks suffixes are automatically identified at word endings, but not at word beginnings. The present study set out to investigate whether position-specific coding can be detected with a letter search task and whether children already code suffixes as position-specific units. A preregistered experiment was conducted in Italian in which 3rd-graders, 5th-graders, and adults had to detect a target letter that was either contained in the suffix of a pseudoword (e.g., S in flagish ) or in a non-suffix control (e.g., S in flagosh ). To investigate sensitivity to position, letters also had to be detected in suffixes and non-suffixes placed in reversed position, that is in the beginning of pseudowords (e.g., S in ishflag vs. oshflag). Results suggested position-specific processing differences between suffixes and non-suffixes that develop throughout reading development. However, some effects were weak and only partially compatible with the hypotheses. Therefore, a second experiment was conducted. The effects of position-specific suffix identification could not be replicated. A combined analysis additionally using a Bayesian approach indicated no processing differences between suffixes and non-suffixes in our task. We discuss potential interpretations and the possibility of letter search being unsuited to investigate morpheme processing. We connect our example of failed self-replication to the current discussion about the replication crisis in psychology and the lesson psycholinguistics can learn.

A general-purpose mechanism of visual feature association in visual word identification and beyond

As writing systems are a relatively novel invention (slightly over 5 kya),¹ they could not have influenced the evolution of our species. Instead, reading might recycle evolutionary older mechanisms that originally supported other tasks^2,3 and preceded the emergence of written language. Accordingly, it has been shown that baboons and pigeons can be trained to distinguish words from nonwords based on orthographic regularities in letter co-occurrence.^4,5 This suggests that part of what is usually considered reading-specific processing could be performed by domain-general visual mechanisms. Here, we tested this hypothesis in humans: if the reading system relies on domain-general visual mechanisms, some of the effects that are often found with orthographic material should also be observable with non-orthographic visual stimuli. We performed three experiments using the same exact design but with visual stimuli that progressively departed from orthographic material. Subjects were passively familiarized with a set of composite visual items and tested in an oddball paradigm for their ability to detect novel stimuli. Participants showed robust sensitivity to the co-occurrence of features ("bigram" coding) with strings of letter-like symbols but also with made-up 3D objects and sinusoidal gratings. This suggests that the processing mechanisms involved in the visual recognition of novel words also support the recognition of other novel visual objects. These mechanisms would allow the visual system to capture statistical regularities in the visual environment.^6-9 We hope that this work will inspire models of reading that, although addressing its unique aspects, place it within the broader context of vision.

On the noisy spatiotopic encoding of word positions during reading: Evidence from the change-detection task

The present study builds on our prior work showing evidence for noisy word-position coding in an immediate same-different matching task. In that research, participants found it harder to judge that two successive brief presentations of five-word sequences were different when the difference was caused by transposing two adjacent words compared with different word replacements – a transposition effect. Here we used the change-detection task with a 1-s delay introduced between sequences – a task thought to tap into visual short-term memory. Concurrent articulation was used to limit the contribution of active rehearsal. We used standard response-time (RT) and error-rate analyses plus signal detection theory (SDT) measures of discriminability (d’) and bias (c). We compared the transposition effects for ungrammatical word sequences and nonword sequences observed with these different measures. Although there was some evidence for transposition effects with nonwords, the effects were much larger with word sequences. These findings provide further support for the hypothesized noisy assignment of word identities to spatiotopic locations along a line of text during reading.

Does orthographic processing emerge rapidly after learning a new script?

Orthographic processing is characterized by location-invariant and location-specific processing (Grainger, 2018): (1) strings of letters are more vulnerable to transposition effects than the strings of symbols in same-different tasks (location-invariant processing); and (2) strings of letters, but not strings of symbols, show an initial position advantage in target-in-string identification tasks (location-specific processing). To examine the emergence of these two markers of orthographic processing, we conducted a same-different task and a target-in-string identification task with two unfamiliar scripts (pre-training experiments). Across six training sessions, participants learned to fluently read and write one of these scripts. The post-training experiments were parallel to the pre-training experiments. Results showed that the magnitude of the transposed-letter effect in the same-different task and the serial function in the target-in-string identification tasks were remarkably similar for the trained and untrained scripts. Thus, location-invariant and location-specific processing does not emerge rapidly after learning a new script; instead, they may require thorough experience with specific orthographic structures.

What’s special about orthographic processing? Further evidence from transposition effects in same-different matching

We sought evidence for letter-specific processing in the same-different matching task by comparing performance to random consonant strings and either strings of symbols (Experiment 1) or strings of digits (Experiment 2). The strings could be aligned horizontally or vertically, and on “different” response trials the to-be-matched strings could differ by the transposition of two adjacent characters or by the substitution of two adjacent characters. Making a “different” response was harder when the difference involved a transposition compared with a substitution—the transposition effect. Crucially, the transposition effect was significantly greater for letters than for symbols or digits when stimuli were aligned horizontally, but did not differ significantly across stimulus type with vertically aligned strings. These results suggest that it is processing specific to horizontally aligned letter strings, a reading-specific mechanism, that causes the greater transposition effects for letter stimuli in the same-different matching task when stimuli are arranged horizontally.

The consonant/vowel pattern determines the structure of orthographic representations in the left fusiform gyrus

Recent findings demonstrated readers' sensitivity to the distinction between consonant and vowel letters. Especially, the way consonants and vowels are organised within written words determines their perceptual structure. The present work attempted to overcome two limitations of previous studies by examining the neurophysiological correlates of this perceptual structure through magnetoencephalography (MEG). One aim was to establish that the extraction of vowel-centred units takes place during early stages of processing. The second objective was to confirm that the vowel-centred structure pertains to the word recognition system and may constitute one level in a hierarchy of neural detectors coding orthographic strings. Participants performed a cross-case matching task in which they had to judge pairs of stimuli as identical or different. The critical manipulation concerned pairs obtained by transposing two letters, so that the vowel-centred structure was either preserved (FOUVERT-fovuert, two vowel letter clusters) or modified (BOUVRET-bovuret). Mismatches were detected faster when the structure was modified. This effect was associated with a significant difference in evoked neuromagnetic fields extending from 129 to 239 msec after the stimulation. Source localization indicated a significant effect in the visual word form area around 200 msec. The results confirm the hypothesis that the vowel-centred structure is extracted during the early phases of letter string processing and that it is encoded in left fusiform regions devoted to visual word recognition.

Orthographic processing: A 'mid-level' vision of reading: The 44th Sir Frederic Bartlett Lecture

I will describe how orthographic processing acts as a central interface between visual and linguistic processing during reading, and as such can be considered to be the 'mid-level vision' of reading research. In order to make this case, I first summarize the evidence in favour of letter-based word recognition before examining work investigating how orthographic similarities among words influence single word reading. I describe how evidence gradually accumulated against traditional measures of orthographic similarity and the associated theories of orthographic processing, forcing a reconsideration of how letter-position information is represented by skilled readers. Then, I present the theoretical framework that was developed to explain these findings, with a focus on the distinction between location-specific and location-invariant orthographic representations. Finally, I describe work extending this theoretical framework in two main directions: first, to the realm of reading development, with the aim to specify the key changes in the processing of letters and letter strings that accompany successful learning to read, and second, to the realm of sentence reading, in order to specify how orthographic information can be processed across several words in parallel, and how skilled readers keep track of which letters belong to which words.

Letter Position Coding with Fred Astaire: Inversion of Letter Position Substitution Effects in Reverse Spelled Words

The effects of letter substitutions have been linked to their position within a word (letter position effects). The current study expanded upon previous research by examining letter-position effects for letter substitutions using forward- and reverse-spelled word primes. Often substituting a letter on one side of a word will have a stronger impact on performance than substituting a letter on the other side of a word. In three experiments it was revealed that the letter-position effects of substitutions changed places when words were spelled backwards. This occurred when both the target and prime were spelled backwards. This was evidence of a congruency effect of letter-position priming. The ramifications of these results for word recognition and transfer are discussed. However, the need for future research should focus on the possibility of an inversion process/mechanism.

Consonantal overlap effects in a perceptual matching task

This study investigates the processing of letter position coding by exploring whether or not two explicitly presented words that share the same consonants, but that differ in their vowels, exert mutual interference more than two words that do not share their consonants. In an explicit perceptual matching task, word targets were preceded by a word reference that could share all the consonants either at the same position or in a different absolute position (while keeping their relative position intact) or preceded by an unrelated reference. Experiment 1 showed larger discrimination costs for pairs sharing the consonants at the same position than for pairs sharing their consonants in a different position. Experiment 2 investigated when and how the types of overlap influence word target processing by using event-related potential recordings. The ERP results showed a Relatedness effect only for targets that share the consonants at the same position from 120 to 600 ms post-target onset, whereas targets that share their consonants in different positions in the string produced null effects. Altogether, these data suggest that targets containing the same consonants included in the references in the same positions are processed as being highly similar to them, thus distorting target processing. Furthermore, these data suggest possible mechanisms of competition between lexical representations of the reference and target stimuli.

Orthographic and phonological processing in developing readers revealed by ERPs

The development of neurocognitive mechanisms in single word reading was studied in children ages 8-10 years using ERPs combined with priming manipulations aimed at dissociating orthographic and phonological processes. Transposed-letter (TL) priming (barin-BRAIN vs. bosin-BRAIN) was used to assess orthographic processing, and pseudohomophone (PH) priming (brane-BRAIN vs. brant-BRAIN) was used to assess phonological processing. Children showed TL and PH priming effects on both the N250 and N400 ERP components, and the magnitude of TL priming correlated positively with reading ability, with better readers showing larger TL priming effects. Phonological priming, on the other hand, did not correlate with reading ability. The positive correlations between TL priming and reading ability in children points to a key role for flexible sublexical orthographic representations in reading development, in line with their hypothesized role in the efficient mapping of orthographic information onto semantic information in skilled readers.

Orthographic Coding: Brain Activation for Letters, Symbols, and Digits

The present experiment investigates the input coding mechanisms of 3 common printed characters: letters, numbers, and symbols. Despite research in this area, it is yet unclear whether the identity of these 3 elements is processed through the same or different brain pathways. In addition, some computational models propose that the position-in-string coding of these elements responds to general flexible mechanisms of the visual system that are not character-specific, whereas others suggest that the position coding of letters responds to specific processes that are different from those that guide the position-in-string assignment of other types of visual objects. Here, in an fMRI study, we manipulated character position and character identity through the transposition or substitution of 2 internal elements within strings of 4 elements. Participants were presented with 2 consecutive visual strings and asked to decide whether they were the same or different. The results showed: 1) that some brain areas responded more to letters than to numbers and vice versa, suggesting that processing may follow different brain pathways; 2) that the left parietal cortex is involved in letter identity, and critically in letter position coding, specifically contributing to the early stages of the reading process; and that 3) a stimulus-specific mechanism for letter position coding is operating during orthographic processing.

Visual similarity effects on masked priming

We investigated the role of the visual similarity of masked primes to targets in a lexical decision experiment. In the primes, some letters in the target (e.g., A in ABANDON) had either visually similar letters (e.g., H), dissimilar letters (D), visually similar digits (4), or dissimilar digits (6) substituted for them. The similarities of the digits and letters to the base letter were equated and verified in a two-alternative forced choice (2AFC) perceptual identification task. Using targets presented in lowercase (e.g., abandon) and primes presented in uppercase, visually similar digit primes (e.g., 484NDON) produced more priming than did visually dissimilar digit primes (676NDON), but little difference was found between the visually similar and dissimilar letter primes (HRHNDON vs. DWDNDON). These results were explained in terms of task-driven competition between the target letter and the visually similar letter.

On the time-course of adjacent and non-adjacent transposed-letter priming

We compared effects of adjacent (e.g., atricle-ARTICLE) and non-adjacent (e.g., actirle-ARTICLE) transposed-letter (TL) primes in an ERP study using the sandwich priming technique. TL priming was measured relative to the standard double-substitution condition. We found significantly stronger priming effects for adjacent transpositions than non-adjacent transpositions (with 2 intervening letters) in behavioral responses (lexical decision latencies), and the adjacent priming effects emerged earlier in the ERP signal, at around 200 ms post-target onset. Non-adjacent priming effects emerged about 50 ms later and were short-lived, being significant only in the 250-300 ms time-window. Adjacent transpositions on the other hand continued to produce priming in the N400 time-window (300-500 ms post-target onset). This qualitatively different pattern of priming effects for adjacent and non-adjacent transpositions is discussed in the light of different accounts of letter transposition effects, and the utility of drawing a distinction between positional flexibility and positional noise.