Alcohol-Related Crimes And Risk Of Arrest For Intimate Partner Violence Among California Handgun Purchasers

Five Years of Extreme Risk Protection Orders in Oregon: A Descriptive Analysis

Extreme Risk Protection Order (ERPO) laws have received increasing attention as a tool to prevent firearm suicide and homicide, including mass shootings. However, important gaps remain in our understanding of ERPO usage and implementation. Using the Oregon Judicial Case Information Network database, we abstracted data from all ERPO petitions filed in Oregon from 2018 to 2022, the first five years after the law took effect (N = 649). ERPO petitions were filed in 29 of 36 counties (81%, range 0-105 per county, median 11), against respondents 17-96 years of age (median: 42). Of ERPOs filed, 78% were initially granted. While only 22% of respondents in initially-granted ERPOs requested a hearing, when a hearing was held, nearly half (44%) of ERPOs were dismissed. The majority of ERPO petitions were motivated by threats of harm to respondents and others (n = 327, 50%), followed by threats of harm to others-only (n = 220, 34%) or respondents-only (n = 81, 12%). During the 5-year period, 72 (11%) ERPO petitions cited threats of mass violence as a motivating factor, including 24 (4%) petitions citing threats to schools or college campuses. The majority of ERPOs were filed by law enforcement officers (60%), and these petitions were significantly more often granted than those filed by family/household members (96% vs. 67%, p < .0001). We also found evidence of important gaps in documentation, including of respondent race (unavailable for 191 respondents, 29%) and of weapon removal or disposition after the ERPO was granted (unavailable in 350 cases, 69%). This study of long-term patterns of ERPO petitions highlights trends in usage and suggests areas where improvement may be possible, with implications for other states that have adopted or are considering similar ERPO laws.

Importance of categories of crime for predicting future violent crime among handgun purchasers in California

BACKGROUND

Prohibiting the purchase and possession of firearms by those at risk of violence is an established approach to preventing firearm violence. Prior studies of legal purchasers have focused on convictions for specific crimes, such as violent misdemeanors and driving under the influence (DUI). We broaden that line of inquiry by investigating and comparing the associations between prior arrests for most categories of crime and subsequent arrest for violent offenses among legal handgun purchasers in California.

METHODS

In this longitudinal cohort study of 79,678 legal handgun purchasers in California in 2001, we group arrest charges prior to their first purchases in 2001 according to categories defined by the Uniform Crime Report (UCR) Handbook. We use a gradient boosting machine to identify categories of offenses that are most important for predicting arrest for violent crime following firearm purchase. For each category identified, we then estimate the difference in risk of subsequent arrest for a violent offense using survival regression models.

RESULTS

We identified eight crime categories with high predictive importance: simple assaults, aggravated assaults, vehicle violations, weapon, other crimes, theft, drug abuse, and DUI. Compared to purchasers with no prior arrests, those with a prior arrest for any one of the eight important categories and no other categories were found to be at increased risk of arrest for a Crime Index-listed violent crime (murder, rape, robbery, aggravated assault), with the greatest estimated risk corresponding to the simple assault UCR category (adjusted hazard ratio 4.0; 95% CI 2.8-5.9). Simple assault was also associated with the greatest risk for subsequent arrest for firearm violence (adjusted hazard ratio 4.6; 95% CI 2.4-9.0) and any violent offense (adjusted hazard ratio 3.7; 95% CI 2.7-5.0).

CONCLUSION

The findings of this study suggest that prior arrests for a broad array of crimes, both violent and non-violent, are associated with risk of subsequent violent crimes, including Crime Index-listed violent crimes and firearm violence, among legal purchasers of firearms. Current policies aimed at restricting access to firearms for individuals at increased risk of violence should be re-examined considering these findings.

Firearm-Related Risks and Consequences for Immigrant Women in Abusive Relationships: Barriers to Reporting Threats to Safety and Recommendations for Safety Planning

Firearms are the leading cause of intimate partner violence-related murders of women in the US. This study aimed to understand differing consequences of partners' firearm possession on abused women and barriers women face in reporting threats to safety due to the partners' possession of a firearm.. Additionally, the study explored participants' perceptions of effective approaches to risk assessments and safety planning with women who are at-risk for being harmed by their partners' possession of a firearm. Qualitative semi-structured interviews with seventeen service providers and 45 immigrant women survivors of intimate partner violence were conducted. Data were analyzed using content analysis procedure. Participants shared that the partners' possession of a firearm can increase risk for firearm-related injury or fatality in situations of escalation of violence. Abused women living with a partner with firearm possession live in constant fear or threat. The presence of a firearm can also be a trigger of unwanted memories of the past and can have legal and other consequences for survivors. Impediments to reporting threats to safety were barriers such as lack of knowledge of firearm-related risks and gender and social norms. The findings can be informative for safety planning with survivors of IPV whose partners own or have access to a firearm. Comprehensive assessment of risks and barriers can be used to develop individualized and tailored safety plans for survivors with a partner who possesses a firearm.

Intimate Partner Violence and Subsequent Violent Offending Among Handgun Purchasers

Perpetrators of intimate partner violence (IPV) often reoffend, and firearm access increases risk of severe injury or fatality. Prior research identifies an association between a history of violent misdemeanor convictions among handgun purchasers and increased risk of subsequent arrest for a violent crime; the risk associated specifically with an IPV criminal history remains largely unexplored. The current study examined a cohort of 76,311 California adults who legally purchased a handgun in 2001 and followed them through 2013. Compared with purchasers who had no criminal history at the time of purchase, those with a history of only IPV (n = 178) charges were at increased risk of subsequent arrest for a violent Crime Index crime (murder, rape, robbery, aggravated assault; adjusted hazard ratio [AHR], 2.6; 95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.4-5.1), any violent crime (AHR, 3.2; 95% CI: 2.0-5.1), and an IPV crime (AHR, 5.2; 95% CI: 3.0-9.0). Purchasers with both IPV and non-IPV charges demonstrated the greatest risk of re-arrest relative to those with no criminal history. Despite the strength of the relationship between IPV and subsequent arrest, a small proportion of handgun purchasers with an IPV criminal history were re-arrested for firearm violence crimes, limiting application for risk assessment purposes. Results affirm prior research identifying IPV as a risk factor for future offending.

Reported firearm access among patients admitted to a dual diagnosis medically-assisted withdrawal unit over five years

Background

Up to one-third of firearm-related suicides were carried out by individuals who had consumed alcohol shortly before their death. Despite the critical role of firearm access screening in suicide risk assessment, few studies have examined firearm access among patients with substance use disorders. This study examines the rates of firearm access among those admitted to a co-occurring diagnosis unit over a five year period.

Methods

All patients admitted to a co-occurring disorders inpatient unit from 2014 to mid-2020 were included. An analysis contrasting the differences among patients reporting firearms was performed. A multivariable logistic regression model using factors from initial admission were chosen based on clinical relevance, past firearms research, and statistical significance on bivariate analysis was used.

Results

Over the study period there were 7332 admissions representing 4055 patients. Documentation of firearm access was completed in 83.6% of admissions. Firearm access was reported in 9.4% of admissions. Patients reporting firearm access were more likely to report never having suicidal ideation (p = 0.001), be married (p = <0.001), and report no past history of suicide attempts (p = <0.001). The full logistic regression model revealed that being married (OR: 2.29 and p < 0.0001) and employed (OR: 1.51 and p = 0.024) were factors associated with firearms access.

Conclusions

This is one of the largest reports assessing factors associated with firearm access among those admitted to a co-occurring disorders unit. Firearm access rates in this population appear lower than rates in the general population. The roles employment and marital status play in firearm access deserve future attention.

Alcohol and drug offenses and suicide risk among men who purchased a handgun in California: A cohort study

Firearm access is a risk factor for firearm suicide; substance use may confer additional risk. In this retrospective cohort study, we estimated the associations between prior alcohol and drug charges at the time of handgun purchase and subsequent suicide among men in California. The sample comprised all men who legally purchased a handgun in California in 2001 and who were age ≥ 21 at the time of acquisition (N = 101,377), identified in the California Department of Justice (CA DOJ) Dealer's Record of Sale database. Exposures included alcohol and drug criminal charges and convictions accrued January 1, 1990 until the first ('index') handgun acquisition in 2001, recorded in the CA DOJ Criminal History Information System. Outcomes included suicide and firearm suicide occurring after the index purchase and before January 1, 2016. A total of 1907 purchasers had alcohol charges, 1248 had drug charges, and 304 had both; 594 purchasers died by suicide (516 by firearm suicide). Compared with those with neither alcohol nor drug charges, those with alcohol charges had 2.20 times the hazard of suicide (95% confidence interval [CI], 1.39-3.46) and 2.22 times the hazard of firearm suicide (95% CI, 1.36-3.62). Risk was most elevated among those with more recent charges and those with 2 or more charges, and in the time period closest to the purchase. The associations for drug charges and the combination of alcohol and drug charges were not distinguishable from the null. Firearm owners with alcohol offenses may benefit from intervention to reduce firearm access and alcohol use.

Association of state-level intoxicated driving laws with firearm homicide and suicide

OBJECTIVES

To determine if an association exists between the number of driving under the influence (DUI) convictions required to activate federal firearms prohibitions and annual firearm homicide and suicide rates by state.

METHODS

Ecological cross-sectional study of all US states from 2013 to 2017. We collected DUI law data from Thomson Reuters Westlaw database and firearm mortality data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Vital Statistics programme.

RESULTS

Five states had laws such that one or two DUI convictions could result in prohibitions to firearms access according to federal law. Four states had no legal framework that would restrict firearms access because of DUI convictions; the remaining states could activate federal restrictions at three or more DUI convictions. Firearm-specific homicide (victimisations) rates were 19% lower among women in states where federal restrictions of firearms access occurred after one or two DUI offences (incidence rate ratio (IRR) 0.81; 95% CI 0.64 to 1.01) and 18% lower in states with firearm prohibitions after three or more offences (IRR 0.82; 95% CI 0.71 to 0.95) compared with the states with no legal framework for prohibiting firearms after DUI convictions. There was no association between number of DUI activations and overall, or firearm-specific, suicide among the entire population (men and women) or among only women, or only men.

CONCLUSIONS

DUI penalties that activate federal firearms prohibitions may be one pathway to reduce firearm homicide of female victims.

Relation of Driving Under the Influence Laws to Access to Firearms Across US States

Objectives. To determine differences among US states in how driving under the influence of alcohol (DUI) laws activate federal firearm possession and purchase prohibitions.Methods. We performed primary legislative research to characterize DUI laws in each state. The primary outcome was the number of DUI convictions an individual must be convicted of in each state to activate the federal firearm possession and purchase prohibition. We also determined the time interval in which previous DUI convictions count for future proceedings.Results. Forty-seven states had DUI laws that activated the federal prohibition of firearm possession and purchase for a threshold number of repeated DUIs. Variation exists among states in the number of convictions (1-4) and length of liability period (5 years-lifetime) required to prohibit firearm possession and purchase.Conclusions. Variation in state laws on DUI results in differences in determining who is federally prohibited from possessing and purchasing firearms. Future research should explore whether these federal prohibitions arising from DUI convictions are enforced and whether an association exists between stricter DUI policies and reduction in firearm crimes, injuries, and deaths.

The Firearms Data Gap

The firearms data infrastructure in the United States is severely limited in scope and fragmented in nature. Improved data systems are needed in order to address gun violence and promote productive conversation about gun policy. In the absence of federal leadership in firearms data systems improvement, motivated states may take proactive steps to stitch gaps in data systems. We propose that states evaluate the gaps in their systems, expand data collection, and improve data presentation and availability.