US Public Opinion on Carrying Firearms in Public Places

Should Teachers Carry Guns? An Emergency Room Survey of Parents of Two New York Communities

INTRODUCTION

The purpose of this study was to compare parents' perceptions of threats and solutions to school gun violence in two different communities.

METHODS

Parents of school-aged children visiting emergency rooms of two large trauma centers in Upstate New York (UNY) and New York City (NYC), between October 2019 and December 2020, were surveyed (UNY: n=202, NYC: n=100). Responses were compared by site, firearm experience, and concern for school safety.

RESULTS

Respondents from the two sites differed by sociodemographic characteristics. Of the 302 respondents, 64% feared a school shooting incident, but UNY respondents were less likely to report concern (46.5% vs 99%, p<0.001). UNY respondents were more likely to feel safe for their children (75.3% vs 7%, p<0.001) and to report feeling safer if guns were available to teachers (22.3% vs 6%, p <0.001). Both sites' respondents agreed on the need for armed police presence (76.7% vs 74%, p=0.11). Of the 193 parents concerned about a school shooting, 11.9% indicated feeling safer if guns were available to teachers versus 25.7% of those who were not (p=0.002). Agreement on solutions for making schools safer differed by the site. NYC respondents were unanimously supportive, but UNY support ranged from 52% for metal detectors to 84.5% for controlled entry points.

CONCLUSION

Although perceptions of child safety and experience with guns varied by location, most parents agreed on potential solutions, that it should be the security officers, not teachers, who should be carrying firearms and that armed police should be present in schools to provide safety.

Legal Firearm Sales at State Level and Rates of Violent Crime, Property Crime, and Homicides

INTRODUCTION

The effects of firearm sales and legislation on crime and violence are intensely debated, with multiple studies yielding differing results. We hypothesized that increased lawful firearm sales would not be associated with the rates of crime and homicide when studied using a robust statistical method.

METHODS

National and state rates of crime and homicide during 1999-2015 were obtained from the United States Department of Justice and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. National Instant Criminal Background Check System background checks were used as a surrogate for lawful firearm sales. A general multiple linear regression model using log event rates was used to assess the effect of firearm sales on crime and homicide rates. Additional modeling was then performed on a state basis using an autoregressive correlation structure with generalized estimating equation estimates for standard errors to adjust for the interdependence of variables year to year within a particular state.

RESULTS

Nationally, all crime rates except the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention-designated firearm homicides decreased as firearm sales increased over the study period. Using a naive national model, increases in firearm sales were associated with significant decreases in multiple crime categories. However, a more robust analysis using generalized estimating equation estimates on state-level data demonstrated increases in firearms sales were not associated with changes in any crime variables examined.

CONCLUSIONS

Robust analysis does not identify an association between increased lawful firearm sales and rates of crime or homicide. Based on this, it is unclear if efforts to limit lawful firearm sales would have any effect on rates of crime, homicide, or injuries from violence committed with firearms.

Public opinion on laws regulating public gun carrying

This study sought to examine public support for gun carrying-related policies from 2019 to 2021, a period encompassing the COVID-19 pandemic and increasing calls for racial and social justice. We conducted the National Survey of Gun Policy in January 2019 and 2021. The surveys were fielded using the NORC AmeriSpeak panel. Respondents indicated support for six policies regulating civilian gun carrying. Analyses, conducted in 2021, incorporated survey weights for nationally representative estimates. There were significant declines in support from 2019 to 2021 for two policies that would expand where civilians can lawfully carry guns: allowing concealed carry when on K-12 school grounds (23% in 2021 vs 31% in 2019) and college/university campuses (27% vs 36%). Support was also significantly lower for requiring concealed carry applicants to pass a test demonstrating safe and lawful use (74% in 2021 vs 81% in 2019). For the two new policies in the 2021 survey, more than half of respondents overall supported prohibiting open carry at demonstrations/rallies (54%) and prohibiting the carry of guns into government buildings (69%). There was lower support among gun owners (39% and 57%, respectively). Since 2019, there has been a decline in support for expanding locations for civilian gun carrying. Support remains high among U.S. adults, including the two-thirds of gun owners, for requiring concealed carry applicants to demonstrate competence in safe and lawful gun use. Our findings in support of a more regulated approach to concealed carry are in direct contrast to state-level shifts eliminating concealed gun carrying regulations.

Response Variations to Survey Items About Firearms in the 2004 and 2017 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System

PURPOSE

The aim of this investigation was to document the prevalence and correlates of refusing to answer a US federal health survey item about firearms in the household.

DESIGN

The cross-sectional analysis was conducted with 2004 and 2017 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS) survey data from Texas, Oregon, Idaho, California, Kansas, and Utah states whose surveys included items about firearms in the household.

PARTICIPANTS

Probability-based samples of adults over the age of 18 (n = 34 488 in 2017 BRFSS; n = 33 136 in 2004 BRFSS).

MEASURES

Dichotomized measure of whether respondents answered versus refused to answer "Are any firearms now kept in or around your home?"

ANALYSIS

Weighted multiple logistic regression was used to assess how sociodemographic and health-related characteristics were associated with item refusal.

RESULTS

Approximately 1.8% (95% CI: 1.6-2.1) of respondents in 2004 and 3.9% (95% CI: 3.4-4.5) of respondents in 2017 sample refused the firearms item (P < .01). Men were more likely than women (2004: adjusted odds ratio [aOR] = 1.81, 95% CI: 1.24-2.62; 2017: aOR = 1.60, 95% CI = 1.17-2.18) and Latino/a respondents were less likely than white respondents (2004: aOR = 0.24, 95% CI: 0.10-0.60; 2017: aOR = 0.21, 95% CI: 0.13-0.34) to refuse the firearms question. In 2004, refusal was more likely among older than younger respondents, but in 2017, age was not associated with refusal.

CONCLUSIONS

Refusal to firearm-related survey items along sociodemographic characteristics warrants further research. Community-informed strategies (eg, focus groups, cognitive testing, in-depth interviews) could improve the context and wording of firearm-related items to maximize response to these items in public health surveys.

State Level Firearm Concealed-Carry Legislation and Rates of Homicide and Other Violent Crime

BACKGROUND

Over the last 30 years, public opinion and state level legislation regarding the concealed-carry of firearms have shifted dramatically. Previous studies of potential effects have yielded mixed results, making policy recommendations difficult. We investigated whether liberalization of state level concealed-carry legislation was associated with a change in the rates of homicide or other violent crime.

STUDY DESIGN

Data on violent crime and homicide rates were collected from the US Department of Justice Uniform Crime Reporting Program (UCR) and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) over 30 years, from 1986 to 2015. State level concealed-carry legislation was evaluated each study year on a scale including "no carry," "may issue," "shall issue," and "unrestricted carry." Data were analyzed using general multiple linear regression models with the log event rate as the dependent variable, and an autoregressive correlation structure was assumed with generalized estimating equation (GEE) estimates for standard errors.

RESULTS

During the study period, all states moved to adopt some form of concealed-carry legislation, with a trend toward less restrictive legislation. After adjusting for state and year, there was no significant association between shifts from restrictive to nonrestrictive carry legislation on violent crime and public health indicators. Adjusting further for poverty and unemployment did not significantly influence the results.

CONCLUSIONS

This study demonstrated no statistically significant association between the liberalization of state level firearm carry legislation over the last 30 years and the rates of homicides or other violent crime. Policy efforts aimed at injury prevention and the reduction of firearm-related violence should likely investigate other targets for potential intervention.

Beyond the trigger: The mental health consequences of in-home firearm access among children of gun owners

RATIONALE

The high prevalence of household firearms in the U.S. has ignited a growing body of research seeking to understand its health consequences. While a large number of studies examine the impact of firearm availability on health risks of gun owners in the household, relatively little attention is given to whether and how in-home firearm access may shape psychological outcomes among children of gun owners.

OBJECTIVE

This study examined whether and how in-home firearm access is associated with adolescents' depressive symptoms. Given a strong social/cultural association between masculinity and gun possession as well as stark gender differences in perceptions of safety and attitudes toward firearms, this study also investigated whether this association differs for male and female adolescents.

METHODS

Participants were drawn from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (Add Health) (n = 14,013). This study used random- and fixed-effects regression analyses as well as propensity-score matching models in order to reduce the chances of bias due to individual-level heterogeneity.

RESULTS

The present study showed that gaining access to guns at home was significantly related to increased depressive symptoms among children of gun owners, even after accounting for both observed and unobserved individual characteristics. Both fixed-effects and propensity-score matching models yielded consistent results. In addition, the observed association between in-home firearm access and depression was more pronounced for female adolescents. Finally, this study found suggestive evidence that the perceptions of safety, especially about school (but not neighborhood), are an important mechanism linking in-home firearm access to adolescent depression.

CONCLUSION

As a substantial proportion of U.S. adolescents reported in-home firearm access, the findings of this study suggest that scholars and policymakers must seriously consider mental as well as physical health consequences related to household access to firearms among children of gun owners.

Storage Practices of US Gun Owners in 2016

OBJECTIVES

To examine gun storage practices and factors influencing those practices among gun owners.

METHODS

We conducted a nationally representative online survey of US gun owners (n = 1444) in 2016 to assess gun storage practices and attitudes, factors influencing storage practices, and groups that might effectively communicate regarding safe storage. We generated descriptive statistics by using cross-tabulations and used logistic regression to estimate characteristics that influenced safe storage practices.

RESULTS

Forty-six percent of gun owners reported safely storing all of their guns. Factors associated with higher odds of reporting safe storage were having a child in the home (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 1.44; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.03, 2.03), only owning handguns (AOR = 1.84; 95% CI = 1.24, 2.73), and reporting that storage decisions were influenced by a gun safety course (AOR = 2.05; 95% CI = 1.54, 2.74) or discussions with family members (AOR = 1.39; 95% CI = 1.05, 1.86). Gun owners ranked law enforcement, hunting or outdoors groups, active-duty military, and the National Rifle Association as most effective in communicating safe storage practices.

CONCLUSIONS

Public health campaigns to promote safe gun storage should consider partnering with groups that garner respect among gun owners for their experience with safe use of guns.

Loaded Handgun Carrying Among US Adults, 2015

OBJECTIVES

To determine the frequency of loaded handgun carrying among US adult handgun owners, characterize those who carry, and examine concealed carrying by state concealed carry laws.

METHODS

Using a nationally representative survey of US adults in 2015, we asked handgun owners (n = 1444) about their past-30-day carrying behavior.

RESULTS

Among surveyed handgun owners, 24% (95% confidence interval[CI] = 21%, 26%) carried loaded handguns monthly, of whom 35% (95% CI = 29%, 41%) did so daily; 82% (95% CI = 77%, 86%) carried primarily for protection. The proportion of handgun owners who carried concealed loaded handguns in the past 30 days was 21% (95% CI = 12%, 35%) in unrestricted states, 25% (95% CI = 21%, 29%) in shall issue-no discretion states, 20% (95% CI = 16%, 24%) in shall issue-limited discretion states, and 9% (95% CI = 6%, 15%) in may-issue states.

CONCLUSIONS

We estimate that 9 million US adult handgun owners carry loaded handguns monthly, 3 million do so every day, and most report protection as the main carrying reason. Proportionally fewer handgun owners carry concealed loaded handguns in states that allow issuing authorities substantial discretion in granting carrying permits.

Easiness of Legal Access to Concealed Firearm Permits and Homicide Rates in the United States

OBJECTIVES

To examine the relation of "shall-issue" laws, in which permits must be issued if requisite criteria are met; "may-issue" laws, which give law enforcement officials wide discretion over whether to issue concealed firearm carry permits or not; and homicide rates.

METHODS

We compared homicide rates in shall-issue and may-issue states and total, firearm, nonfirearm, handgun, and long-gun homicide rates in all 50 states during the 25-year period of 1991 to 2015. We included year and state fixed effects and numerous state-level factors in the analysis.

RESULTS

Shall-issue laws were significantly associated with 6.5% higher total homicide rates, 8.6% higher firearm homicide rates, and 10.6% higher handgun homicide rates, but were not significantly associated with long-gun or nonfirearm homicide.

CONCLUSIONS

Shall-issue laws are associated with significantly higher rates of total, firearm-related, and handgun-related homicide.