Imagery retrieval may explain why recall of negative scenes contains more accurate detail

Inducing emotionally negative nonbelieved memories using negative pictures

Memories that can be recalled but are no longer believed are termed nonbelieved memories. The current studies examined the creation of emotionally negative nonbelieved memories after viewing negatively valenced pictures. In both experiments, participants took part in two sessions. In Session 1, after being presented with a set of neutral and negative pictures, participants had to rate their emotional state. One week later, in Session 2, participants had to complete a recognition task to identify pictures that had appeared during the previous session. During this task, participants' memories for some pictures were challenged by telling them that their answers were incorrect in order to evoke nonbelieved memories. The experimental procedure was successful in creating nonbelieved memories in the participants. Specifically, in Experiment 1 (N = 35), we induced nonbelieved true memories for both negative and neutral pictures. We found a significant decrease in both belief and recollection after the challenge, with the change in belief being twice as large as the change in recollection. In Experiment 2 (N = 43), we successfully induced both nonbelieved true and false memories for negative pictures. Again, the reduction of belief was significantly greater than that of recollection. In general, participants evinced better memory for negative pictures, but following challenges people were just as likely to accept false social feedback and change their memories regarding other types of pictures. In both experiments, our challenges did not lead to notable changes in emotional state. In general, our findings show that emotionally negative nonbelieved memories can be successfully evoked in an experimental setting.

The power of negative and positive episodic memories

The power of episodic memories is that they bring a past moment into the present, providing opportunities for us to recall details of the experiences, reframe or update the memory, and use the retrieved information to guide our decisions. In these regards, negative and positive memories can be especially powerful: Life’s highs and lows are disproportionately represented in memory, and when they are retrieved, they often impact our current mood and thoughts and influence various forms of behavior. Research rooted in neuroscience and cognitive psychology has historically focused on memory for negative emotional content. Yet the study of autobiographical memories has highlighted the importance of positive emotional memories, and more recently, cognitive neuroscience methods have begun to clarify why positive memories may show powerful relations to mental wellbeing. Here, we review the models that have been proposed to explain why emotional memories are long-lasting (durable) and likely to be retrieved (accessible), describing how in overlapping—but distinctly separable—ways, positive and negative memories can be easier to retrieve, and more likely to influence behavior. We end by identifying potential implications of this literature for broader topics related to mental wellbeing, education, and workplace environments.

The role of memory ability, depth and mode of recall in the impact of memory on later consumption

It has been shown that recalling a meal eaten a few hours earlier (vs. the previous day) leads to reduced snacking ('meal-recall' effect). This study attempted to replicate this effect, by assessing participants' (N = 77, mean age = 33.30 [SD = 14.98], mean BMI = 23.77 [SD = 3.72], 74% female) biscuit consumption during a bogus taste test in two separate sessions, before which participants recalled a recent or a distant meal. It was explored whether factors that might affect the quality of a meal-memory, particularly individual differences in memory ability and depth of recall, would influence the meal-recall effect. To this end, only participants with a low or high memory ability were recruited for the study and were allocated to either an unguided-recall or guided-recall condition. In the unguided condition, participants were asked to recall what they ate, and in the guided condition they were prompted for further details regarding their meal. Participants were asked to either recall their meal out loud through an interview with the experimenter or by writing their recollection down on the computer. Contrary to the initial hypotheses, it was found that only the written group demonstrated the meal-recall effect, whereas the verbal group did not. Moreover, this was specific to the written, unguided group, in which participants ate about 9 g fewer biscuits after recalling a recent (vs. a distant) meal, F (1,15) = 6.07, p = .026, η_p² = 0.288. The written, guided group's snacking seemed to increase by about 8 g after recalling a recent (vs. a distant) meal, F (1,20) = 7.31, p = .014, η_p² = 0.268. The meal-recall effect was not evident in the verbal group. Memory ability did not influence the magnitude of the meal-recall effect. The results highlight the importance of contextual factors in modulating the meal-recall effect.