Understanding why patients request euthanasia when it is illegal: a qualitative study in palliative care units on the personal and practical impact of euthanasia requests

Context

Some patients in palliative care units request euthanasia regardless of legislation. Although studies have explored the reasons for these requests, little is known about the subjective, relational, and contextual repercussions for the patient.

Objectives

The aim of this study is to understand the purpose of euthanasia requests from the patient's viewpoint and their personal and practical impact.

Methods

We conducted in-depth interviews with patients requesting euthanasia, their family members, and health care providers in 11 French palliative care units. A thematic analysis of the data was performed.

Results

In total, 18 patients were interviewed within 48 h of the request being made; 1 week later, 9 patients were interviewed again. Five main themes emerged: assuming the possibility of transgressing the forbidden, a call for unbearable suffering to be recognized, encouragement to change clinical practice, reclaiming a sense of freedom over medical constraints, and imagining a desirable future for oneself.

Conclusions

A request for euthanasia appears to be a willful means to remove oneself from the impasse of an existence paralyzed by suffering. It creates a space for discussion, which promotes negotiation with patients on care practices and therapeutics, and strengthens patients' sense of autonomy. Investigating the relationship between the evolution of euthanasia requests within the palliative care setting could be beneficial. It is important to encourage health care professionals to adopt a readiness to listen by interacting with patients in a way that is not momentarily action-oriented but rather focused on proactive discussion.

Two Kinds of Suicide

In suicidology, the common view is that 'rational' suicides occur only rarely, because the competence of people who want to end their lives is compromised by mental illness. In the Netherlands and Flanders, however, patients' requests for euthanasia or assistance in suicide are granted in 5300 and 1400 cases a year respectively, and in all these cases at least two doctors have confirmed the patient's competence. The combination of these two findings is puzzling. In other countries one would expect at least some of these people to end their own lives. The article argues that we can distinguish between two types of suicide with clustering characteristics. In cases of the first type, the agent doesn't carefully plan his action, doesn't communicate his plans to relatives or others, and uses violent means. In such cases it is reasonable to presume lack of competence. The other type has the opposite characteristics. The most plausible explanation of our problem is that suicides of the second kind are invisible to suicidology, because they tend not to be registered as suicides at all.