Semantic priming modulates the N400, N300, and N400RP

ERP correlates of pitch error detection in complex tone and voice auditory feedback with missing fundamental

Previous studies have shown that the pitch of a sound is perceived in the absence of its fundamental frequency (F0), suggesting that a distinct mechanism may resolve pitch based on a pattern that exists between harmonic frequencies. The present study investigated whether such a mechanism is active during voice pitch control. ERPs were recorded in response to +200 cents pitch shifts in the auditory feedback of self-vocalizations and complex tones with and without the F0. The absence of the fundamental induced no difference in ERP latencies. However, a right-hemisphere difference was found in the N1 amplitudes with larger responses to complex tones that included the fundamental compared to when it was missing. The P1 and N1 latencies were shorter in the left hemisphere, and the N1 and P2 amplitudes were larger bilaterally for pitch shifts in voice and complex tones compared with pure tones. These findings suggest hemispheric differences in neural encoding of pitch in sounds with missing fundamental. Data from the present study suggest that the right cortical auditory areas, thought to be specialized for spectral processing, may utilize different mechanisms to resolve pitch in sounds with missing fundamental. The left hemisphere seems to perform faster processing to resolve pitch based on the rate of temporal variations in complex sounds compared with pure tones. These effects indicate that the differential neural processing of pitch in the left and right hemispheres may enable the audio-vocal system to detect temporal and spectral variations in the auditory feedback for vocal pitch control.

Event-related potentials reveal early activation of body part representations in action concept comprehension

With tasks involving action concept comprehension, many fMRI studies have reported brain activations in sensori-motor regions specific to effectors of the referent action. There is relatively less evidence whether such activations reflect early semantic access or late conceptual re-processing. Here we recorded event-related potentials when participants recognized noun-verb pairs. For Congruent pairs, the verb was the one most commonly associated with the noun (e.g., football-kick). Compared with a control condition, verbs in Congruent pairs showed priming effects in the time windows of 100-150 ms and 210-260 ms. Such activation seems to be specific to body part but not other aspects of the action as similar priming effect was also found when the noun and verb involved different actions though sharing the same body part (e.g., football-jump), documenting for the first time the early activation of body part representations in action concept comprehension.

The time-course of single-word reading: evidence from fast behavioral and brain responses

We usually feel that we understand a familiar word “immediately”. However, even basic aspects of the time-line of word recognition are still controversial. Different domains of research have still not converged on a coherent account. An integration of multiple sources of information would lead to more strongly constrained theoretical models, and help finding optimal measures when monitoring specific aspects of word recognition impairments in patient groups. In our multimodal approach – combining fast behavioral measures, ERPs and EEG/MEG source estimation – we provide converging evidence for the latencies of earliest lexical and semantic information retrieval in visual word recognition. Participants performed lexical and semantic decisions (LD, SD) in a Go/NoGo paradigm. We introduced eye-blink latencies as a dependent variable, in order to measure behavioral responses that are faster and less variable than traditional button presses. We found that the earliest behavioral responses distinguishing stimulus categories can occur around 310 ms. Ex-Gaussian analysis of behavioral responses did not reveal reliable differences between LD and SD. The earliest ERP differences between Go and NoGo conditions occurred around 160 ms for both LD and SD. Distributed source analysis of combined EEG/MEG data estimated neuronal generators for the lexicality effect around 200 ms in the left anterior middle temporal lobe. Thus, behavior and brain responses provide coherent evidence that the brain starts retrieving lexical and semantic information near-simultaneously within 200 ms of word onset. Our results support models of word recognition that assume a continuous accumulation of task-related information from the stimulus, which might be described by Bayesian principles.

Schizotypal traits and N400 in healthy subjects

We examined whether correlations previously found between symptoms of schizophrenia patients and the amplitude of an event-related potential (ERP), the N400, could be also found between schizotypal experiences of healthy subjects and the N400. We chose a semantic categorization task previously used with patients. Schizotypal experiences were measured with the schizotypal personality questionnaire (SPQ). The effects of the other factors were controlled for when assessing the correlations between each SPQ factor and N400s. These correlations were assessed at each electrode site to see whether their distribution on the scalp follows that of the N400 effect. Disorganization and interpersonal scores were found to correlate with ERPs in the N400 time window, as previously reported for the comparable symptoms of patients. However, the scalp distribution of these correlations differed from that of the N400 effect.

Reduced resource optimization in male alcoholics: N400 in a lexical decision paradigm

BACKGROUND

Event Related Potential (ERP) studies have highlighted some measures, notably P3 amplitude, that are associated with both state and trait deficits in alcoholism, while studies examining N400 amplitude in alcoholism are few. The present study aims to examine differences in the N400 component, an electrophysiological correlate of semantic priming, in event-related potentials from a lexical decision task in 87 alcohol dependent subjects and 57 community controls.

METHODS

 Each subject was presented with 300 stimuli sequentially in a quasi-randomized design, where 150 stimuli were words and 150 were non-words. The subjects made a lexical decision indicating the word/non-word status with a button press. Among the words, 50 words (primed) were always preceded by their antonyms (prime, n=50), whereas the remaining 50 words were unrelated. N400 amplitude and latency measures were compiled from ERPs to the primed and unprimed words. Corresponding reaction time (RT) and response characteristics were also analyzed.

RESULTS

Control subjects revealed a significant attenuation of the N400 response to the primed word when compared to the unprimed word. Significantly less attenuation was observed in alcohol dependent subjects. No significant group differences were seen for latency and behavioral measures. All subjects had slower RT for unprimed words compared to primed words; however significantly less RT savings between the unprimed and primed condition was noted for alcoholics.

CONCLUSIONS

 These results suggest a reduced flexibility in the cognitive networks and a lack of resource optimization in alcoholics. The reduced attenuation of N400 during the primed condition in the alcohol dependent subjects may reflect an inability to engage similar neuronal substrates associated with semantic relatedness as seen in the controls. As diminished N400 attenuation during priming is observed in both alcoholics and high risk subjects, it may be a marker of risk and a good endophenotype for alcoholism.

Neural correlates of cross-domain affective priming

The affective priming effect has mostly been studied using reaction time (RT) measures; however, the neural bases of affective priming are not well established. To understand the neural correlates of cross-domain emotional stimuli presented rapidly, we obtained event-related potential (ERP) measures during an affective priming task using short SOA (stimulus onset asynchrony) conditions. Two sets of 480 picture-word pairs were presented at SOAs of either 150ms or 250ms between prime and target stimuli. Participants decided whether the valence of each target word was pleasant or unpleasant. Behavioral results from both SOA conditions were consistent with previous reports of affective priming, with longer RTs for incongruent than congruent pairs at SOAs of 150ms (771 vs. 738ms) and 250ms (765 vs. 720ms). ERP results revealed that the N400 effect (associated with incongruent pairs in affective processing) occurred at anterior scalp regions at an SOA of 150ms, and this effect was only observed for negative target words across the scalp at an SOA of 250ms. In contrast, late positive potentials (LPPs) (associated with attentional resource allocation) occurred across the scalp at an SOA of 250ms. LPPs were only observed for positive target words at posterior parts of the brain at an SOA of 150ms. Our finding of ERP signatures at very short SOAs provides the first neural evidence that affective pictures can exert an automatic influence on the evaluation of affective target words.

Why the white bear is still there: electrophysiological evidence for ironic semantic activation during thought suppression

Much research has focused on the paradoxical effects of thought suppression, leading to the viewpoint that increases in unwanted thoughts are due to an ironic monitoring process that increases the activation of the very thoughts one is trying to rid from consciousness. However, it remains unclear from behavioral findings whether suppressed thoughts become more accessible during the act of suppression. In the current study, event-related potentials were recorded while participants suppressed or expressed thoughts of a focus word during a simple lexical decision task. Modulations in the N400 component reported here demonstrate the paradoxical effects occurring at the semantic level during suppression, as well as some evidence for the rebound effect after suppression periods. Interestingly, semantic activation was greater for focus words during suppression than expression, despite differences in the N1 window suggesting that expression elicited greater perceptual processing than suppression. Results provide electrophysiological evidence for the Ironic Process model and support recent claims of asymmetric network activation during thought suppression.

Lexical quality in the brain: ERP evidence for robust word learning from context

We examined event-related potentials (ERPs) before and after word learning, using training contexts that differed in their level of contextual support for meaning acquisition. Novel words appeared either in contexts that were semantically constraining, providing strong cues to meaning, or in contexts that were weakly constraining, that is, uninformative. After each sentence, participants were shown the word in isolation and were asked to generate a close synonym. Immediately after training, words trained in high-constraint contexts elicited a smaller left temporal negativity (N300(FT7)) compared with words trained in low-constraint contexts, and both types of trained words elicited a stronger medial frontal negativity (N350(Fz)) relative to familiar words. Two days after training the N300(FT7) disappeared and was replaced by a later, left parietal (P600(Pz)) effect. To examine robust learning, we administered a semantic priming test two days after training. Familiar words and words trained in high-constraint contexts elicited strong N400 effects. By contrast, words trained in low-constraint contexts elicited a weak N400 effect, and novel (untrained rare) words elicited no semantic priming. These findings suggest that supportive contexts and the use of an active meaning-generation task may lead to robust word learning. The effects of this training can be observed as changes in an early left frontal component, as well as the classical N400 effect. We discuss implications for theories of "partial" semantic knowledge and for robust word learning and instruction.

Priming deficiency in male subjects at risk for alcoholism: the N4 during a lexical decision task

BACKGROUND

While there is extensive literature on the relationship between the P3 component of event-related potentials (ERPs) and risk for alcoholism, there are few published studies regarding other potentially important ERP components. One important candidate is the N4(00) component in the context of semantic processing, as abnormalities in this component have been reported for adult alcoholics.

METHOD

A semantic priming task was administered to nonalcohol dependent male offspring (18 to 25 years) of alcoholic fathers [high risk (HR) n = 23] and nonalcoholic fathers [low risk (LR) n = 28] to study whether the 2 groups differ in terms of the N4 component. Subjects were presented with 150 words and 150 nonwords. Among the words, 50 words (primed) were preceded by their antonyms (prime, n = 50), whereas the remaining 50 words were unprimed. For the analysis, N4 amplitude and latency as well as behavioral measures for the primed and unprimed words were considered.

RESULTS

A significant interaction effect was observed between semantic condition and group, where HR subjects did not show N4 attenuation for primed stimuli.

CONCLUSION

The lack of N4 attenuation to primed stimuli and/or inability to differentiate between primed and unprimed stimuli, without latency and reaction time being affected, suggest deficits in semantic priming, especially in semantic expectancy and/or postlexical semantic processing in HR male offspring. Further, it indicates that it might be an electrophysiological endophenotype that reflects genetic vulnerability to develop alcoholism.

Disfluencies along the garden path: brain electrophysiological evidence of disrupted sentence processing

Bailey and Ferreira (2003) hypothesized and reported behavioral evidence that disfluencies (filled and silent pauses) undesirably affect sentence processing when they appear before disambiguating verbs in Garden Path (GP) sentences. Disfluencies here cause the parser to "linger" on, and apparently accept as correct, an erroneous parse. Critically, the revision process usually associated with GP-disambiguating verbs does not appear to be triggered. In order to verify this effect, we recorded event-related potentials (ERPs) time-locked to disambiguating verbs in spoken GP sentences from 15 adults. A filled pause, silent pause, or no disfluency appeared before the GP-disambiguating verbs. Principal component analysis (PCA) revealed that fluent GP sentences elicited P600, an ERP index that revision of the initial parse was attempted. Crucially, P600 was attenuated for sentences containing a filled or silent pause before the GP-disambiguating verb. However, PCA detected an N400-like activation for these items, suggesting that listeners accepted the original (erroneous) parse and continued integrating at the verb; a conclusion that is tentative and requires further study. A left anterior positivity was also detected at GP-disambiguating verbs flanked by a filled pause. Discussion focuses on what these preliminary findings tell us about how oral comprehension proceeds when the time-course of sentence processing is disrupted.

Wait, what? Assessing stereotype incongruities using the N400 ERP component

Numerous discoveries regarding stereotypes have been uncovered by utilizing techniques and methods developed by cognitive psychologists. The present study continues this tradition by borrowing psychophysiological techniques used for the study of memory and language, and applying them to the study of stereotypes. In this study, participants were primed with either the gender category 'Women' or 'Men', followed by a word which was either consistent with gender stereotypes (e.g. Women: Nurturing) or inconsistent (e.g. Women: Aggressive). Their task was to indicate whether the words matched or did not match, according to gender stereotypes. Both response times and event-related brain potentials (ERPs) were recorded during performance of the task. As predicted, stereotype incongruent word pairs were associated with larger N400 ERP amplitudes and slower response times, relative to congruent word pairs. The potential utility of this approach as an independent measure of stereotypes is discussed.

A cortical network for semantics: (de)constructing the N400

Measuring event-related potentials (ERPs) has been fundamental to our understanding of how language is encoded in the brain. One particular ERP response, the N400 response, has been especially influential as an index of lexical and semantic processing. However, there remains a lack of consensus on the interpretation of this component. Resolving this issue has important consequences for neural models of language comprehension. Here we show that evidence bearing on where the N400 response is generated provides key insights into what it reflects. A neuroanatomical model of semantic processing is used as a guide to interpret the pattern of activated regions in functional MRI, magnetoencephalography and intracranial recordings that are associated with contextual semantic manipulations that lead to N400 effects.

Orthographic familiarity, phonological legality and number of orthographic neighbours affect the onset of ERP lexical effects

Background

It has been suggested that the variability among studies in the onset of lexical effects may be due to a series of methodological differences. In this study we investigated the role of orthographic familiarity, phonological legality and number of orthographic neighbours of words in determining the onset of word/non-word discriminative responses.

Methods

ERPs were recorded from 128 sites in 16 Italian University students engaged in a lexical decision task. Stimuli were 100 words, 100 quasi-words (obtained by the replacement of a single letter), 100 pseudo-words (non-derived) and 100 illegal letter strings. All stimuli were balanced for length; words and quasi-words were also balanced for frequency of use, domain of semantic category and imageability. SwLORETA source reconstruction was performed on ERP difference waves of interest.

Results

Overall, the data provided evidence that the latency of lexical effects (word/non-word discrimination) varied as a function of the number of a word's orthographic neighbours, being shorter to non-derived than to derived pseudo-words. This suggests some caveats about the use in lexical decision paradigms of quasi-words obtained by transposing or replacing only 1 or 2 letters. Our findings also showed that the left-occipito/temporal area, reflecting the activity of the left fusiform gyrus (BA37) of the temporal lobe, was affected by the visual familiarity of words, thus explaining its lexical sensitivity (word vs. non-word discrimination). The temporo-parietal area was markedly sensitive to phonological legality exhibiting a clear-cut discriminative response between illegal and legal strings as early as 250 ms of latency.

Conclusion

The onset of lexical effects in a lexical decision paradigm depends on a series of factors, including orthographic familiarity, degree of global lexical activity, and phonologic legality of non-words.

Differential Modulation of Word Recognition by Semantic and Spatial Orienting of Attention

In the present study, we investigated the ability to orient attention to abstract associative features of complex stimuli, more specifically, to the semantic categories of visual word stimuli. We compared the behavioral and electrophysiological effects of semantic orienting with those elicited by spatial orienting to word stimuli. Two parallel, cued lexical-decision tasks, with semantic- or spatial-orienting cues, were used. Results showed that both semantic and spatial orienting facilitated behavioral performance. The event-related potential analysis revealed different and non-overlapping patterns of modulation of word processing by semantic and spatial orienting. Modulation by semantic orienting started later, affecting only the potentials linked to conceptual or semantic processing (N300 and N400). The pattern of N300/N400 modulation in the semantic-orienting condition was similar to that observed in semantic-priming tasks, and was compatible with the operation of controlled semantic processes. Spatial orienting significantly enhanced the amplitude of the early visual potential P1 as well as the language-related N400 potential. These findings showed that the similar end-result of behavioral facilitation by semantic and spatial orienting is achieved through largely distinct mechanisms acting upon separate levels of stimulus analysis.

Activation of the posterior cingulate by semantic priming: a co-registered ERP/fMRI study

Although the N400 is the best understood semantically sensitive component of the event-related potential (ERP), others have been observed as well. In an earlier lexical decision study, an N300 ERP was found to be enhanced to unprimed targets, although the effect could also be characterized as a prolonged P2 to primed targets as described in other reports. Because its scalp topography suggested its neural source might be of interest, a source localization was conducted that suggested that this component emanated from the dorsal posterior cingulate cortex (dPCC). In order to confirm this word N300 localization, a functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) study was conducted to replicate the ERP study with a separate sample of 17 participants in an event-related design, using a 3-T scanner. A significant activation in the right dPCC was found corresponding to the N300 localization. The activation was greater on the related prime trials, supporting the characterization of the ERP component as being a P2 rather than an N300. A review is provided which suggests that a number of separate lines of ERP research regarding the word N300, the picture N300, the word P2, the phonological mismatch negativity, and the word midline frontal negativity may be most parsimoniously regarded as dealing with the same ERP component and that they all therefore emanate from the dPCC. It is suggested that this region plays a role in stimulus-response mapping in polymodal fashion. It is also suggested that the ERP component be termed a P2-dPCC.