Post-overdose interventions triggered by calling 911: Centering the perspectives of people who use drugs (PWUDs)

Bridging institutional logics: Implementing naloxone distribution for people exiting jail in three California counties

Drug overdose is the leading cause of death among formerly incarcerated people. Distribution of the opioid overdose medication naloxone to people who use drugs reduces overdose mortality, and officials in many jurisdictions are now considering or implementing programs to offer naloxone to people exiting jails and prisons. The principles and practices of harm reduction programs such as naloxone distribution conflict with those of penal institutions, raising the question of how organizations based on opposing institutional logics can collaborate on lifesaving programs. Using in-depth interviews and observations conducted over four years with 34 penal, medical, public health, and harm reduction practitioners, we introduce and conceptualize two organizational features to explain why this therapeutic intervention was implemented in local jails in two of three California counties. First, interorganizational bridges between harm reduction, medical, and penal organizations facilitated mutual understanding and ongoing collaboration among administrators and frontline workers in different agencies. Second, respected and influential champions within public health and penal organizations put jail-based naloxone distribution on the local agenda and cultivated support among key officials. Our findings offer guidance for future studies of institutional logics and policy responses to the overdose crisis.

Understanding opioid overdose risk and response preparedness among people who use cocaine and other drugs: Mixed-methods findings from a large, multi-city study

BACKGROUND

Fatal overdoses involving cocaine (powdered or crack) and fentanyl have increased nationally and in Massachusetts. It is unclear how overdose risk and preparedness to respond to an overdose differs by patterns of cocaine and opioid use. Methods: From 2017 to 2019, we conducted a nine-community mixed-methods study of Massachusetts residents who use drugs. Using survey data from 465 participants with past-month cocaine and/or opioid use, we examined global differences (p < 0.05) in overdose risk and response preparedness by patterns of cocaine and opioid use. Qualitative interviews (n = 172) contextualized survey findings. Results: The majority of the sample (66%) used cocaine and opioids in the past month; 18.9% used opioids alone; 9.2% used cocaine and had no opioid use history; and 6.2% used cocaine and had an opioid use history. Relative to those with a current/past history of opioid use, significantly fewer of those with no opioid use history were aware of fentanyl in the drug supply, carried naloxone, and had received naloxone training. Qualitative interviews documented how people who use cocaine and have no history of opioid use are largely unprepared to recognize and respond to an overdose. Conclusions: Public health efforts are needed to increase fentanyl awareness and overdose prevention preparedness among people primarily using cocaine.

Refusal to accept emergency medical transport following opioid overdose, and conditions that may promote connections to care

BACKGROUND

Opioid overdose is a leading cause of death in the United States. Emergency medical services (EMS) encounters following overdose may serve as a critical linkage to care for people who use drugs (PWUD). However, many overdose survivors refuse EMS transport to hospitals, where they would presumably receive appropriate follow-up services and referrals. This study aims to (1) identify reasons for refusal of EMS transport after opioid overdose reversal; (2) identify conditions under which overdose survivors might be more likely to accept these services; and (3) describe solutions proposed by both PWUD and EMS providers to improve post-overdose care.

METHODS

The study comprised 20 semi-structured, qualitative in-depth interviews with PWUD, followed by two semi-structured focus groups with eight EMS providers.

RESULTS

PWUD cited intolerable withdrawal symptoms; anticipation of inadequate care upon arrival at the hospital; and stigmatizing treatment by EMS and hospital providers as main reasons for refusal to accept EMS transport. EMS providers corroborated these descriptions and offered solutions such as titration of naloxone to avoid harsh withdrawal symptoms; peer outreach or community paramedicine; and addressing provider burnout. PWUD stated they might accept EMS transport after overdose reversal if they were offered ease for withdrawal symptoms, at either a hospital or non-hospital facility, and treated with respect and empathy.

CONCLUSION

Standard of care by EMS and hospital providers following overdose reversal should include treatment for withdrawal symptoms, including buprenorphine induction; patient-centered communication; and effective linkage to prevention, treatment, and harm reduction services.

Factors Associated With Calling 911 for an Overdose: An Ethnographic Decision Tree Modeling Approach

Objectives. To identify factors that influence when people who use drugs (PWUDs) call 911 for an overdose. Methods. We conducted 45 qualitative interviews and 180 surveys with PWUDs who had recently witnessed overdoses in Southern California from 2017 to 2019. We used conditional inference tree and random forest models to generate and validate a model to predict whether 911 would be called. Results. Our model had good in- (83%) and out-of-sample (84%) predictive accuracy. Three aspects of the social and policy environment influenced calling 911 for an overdose: the effectiveness of response strategies employed, the behavior of other bystanders, and whether the responder believes it is their responsibility to call. Conclusions. Even in the presence of policies that provide some protections, PWUDs are faced with difficult decisions about calling 911 and must weigh their own safety against that of an overdose victim. Potential interventions include strengthening training and safety planning for PWUDs, bolstering protections for PWUDs when they call 911, and separating law enforcement response from emergency medical response to overdoses.

Patterns and risk factors of opioid-suspected EMS overdose in Houston metropolitan area, 2015-2019: A Bayesian spatiotemporal analysis

BACKGROUND

Opioid-related overdose deaths are the top accidental cause of death in the United States, and development of regional strategies to address this epidemic should begin with a better understanding of where and when overdoses are occurring.

METHODS AND FINDINGS

In this study, we relied on emergency medical services data to investigate the geographical and temporal patterns in opioid-suspected overdose incidents in one of the largest and most ethnically diverse metropolitan areas (Houston Texas). Using a cross sectional design and Bayesian spatiotemporal models, we identified zip code areas with excessive opioid-suspected incidents, and assessed how the incidence risks were associated with zip code level socioeconomic characteristics. Our analysis suggested that opioid-suspected overdose incidents were particularly high in multiple zip codes, primarily south and central within the city. Zip codes with high percentage of renters had higher overdose relative risk (RR = 1.03; 95% CI: [1.01, 1.04]), while crowded housing and larger proportion of white citizens had lower relative risks (RR = 0.9; 95% CI: [0.84, 0.96], RR = 0.97, 95% CI: [0.95, 0.99], respectively).

CONCLUSIONS

Our analysis illustrated the utility of Bayesian spatiotemporal models in assisting the development of targeted community strategies for local prevention and harm reduction efforts.

Characteristics of post-overdose public health-public safety outreach in Massachusetts

BACKGROUND

As a response to mounting overdose fatalities, cross-agency outreach efforts have emerged to reduce future risk among overdose survivors. We aimed to characterize such programs in Massachusetts, with focus on team composition, approach, services provided, and funding.

METHODS

We conducted a two-phase cross-sectional survey of public health and safety providers in Massachusetts. Providers in all 351 municipalities received a screening survey. Those with programs received a second, detailed survey. We analyzed responses using descriptive statistics.

RESULTS

As of July 2019, 44 % (156/351) of Massachusetts municipalities reported post-overdose outreach programs, with 75 % (104/138) formed between 2016-2019. Teams conducted home-based outreach 1-3 days following overdose events. Police departments typically supplied location information on overdose events (99 %, 136/138) and commonly participated in outreach visits (86 %, 118/138) alongside public health personnel, usually from community-based organizations. Teams provided or made referrals to services including inpatient addiction treatment, recovery support, outpatient medication, overdose prevention education, and naloxone. Some programs deployed law enforcement tools, including pre-visit warrant queries (57 %, 79/138), which occasionally led to arrest (11 %, 9/79). Many programs (81 %, 112/138) assisted families with involuntary commitment to treatment - although this was usually considered an option of last resort. Most programs were grant-funded (76 %, 104/136) and engaged in cross-municipal collaboration (94 %, 130/138).

CONCLUSIONS

Post-overdose outreach programs have expanded, typically as collaborations between police and public health. Further research is needed to better understand the implications of involving police and to determine best practices for increasing engagement in treatment and harm reduction services and reduce subsequent overdose.

Reasons People Who Use Opioids Do Not Accept or Carry No-Cost Naloxone: Qualitative Interview Study

BACKGROUND

Many people use opioids and are at risk of overdose. Naloxone is an opioid antagonist used to counter the effects of opioid overdose. There is an increased availability of naloxone in New York City; however, many who use opioids decline no-cost naloxone even when offered. Others may have the medication but opt not to carry it and report that they would be reluctant to administer it if they were to witness an overdose.

OBJECTIVE

We aim to better understand why people who use opioids may be reluctant to accept, carry, and administer naloxone, and to inform the development of messaging content that addresses barriers to its acceptance and use.

METHODS

We conducted formative qualitative interviews with 20 people who use opioids who are 18 years and older in New York City. Participants were recruited via key informants and chain referral.

RESULTS

Participants cited 4 main barriers that may impede rates of naloxone acceptance, possession, and use: (1) stigma related to substance use, (2) indifference toward overdose, (3) fear of negative consequences of carrying naloxone, and (4) fear of misrecognizing the need for naloxone. Participants also offered suggestions about messaging content to tackle the identified barriers, including messages designed to normalize naloxone possession and use, encourage shared responsibility for community health, and elicit empathy for people who use drugs. Taken together, participants' narratives hold implications for the following potential messaging content: (1) naloxone is short-acting, and withdrawal sickness does not have to be long-lasting; (2) it is critical to accurately identify an opioid-involved overdose; (3) anyone can overdose; (4) naloxone cannot do harm; and (5) the prompt administration of the medication can help ensure that someone can enjoy another day. Finally, participants suggested that messaging should also debunk myths and stereotypes about people who use drugs more generally; people who use opioids who reverse overdoses should be framed as lay public health advocates and not just "others" to be managed with stigmatizing practices and language.

CONCLUSIONS

It must be made a public health priority to get naloxone to people who use opioids who are best positioned to reverse an overdose, and to increase the likelihood that they will carry naloxone and use it when needed. Developing, tailoring, and deploying messages to address stigma, indifference toward overdose, fear and trepidation about reversing an overdose, and fear of police involvement may help alleviate fears among some people who are reluctant to obtain naloxone and use the medication on someone in an overdose situation.

"That's why people don't call 911": Ending routine police attendance at drug overdoses

Research has shown that police attendance and the corresponding threat of criminal charges are major deterrents to people seeking emergency medical assistance in the event of an overdose. In response to these barriers, Canada passed the Good Samaritan Drug Overdose Act in 2017, providing immunity from prosecution for simple drug possession to overdose victims or bystanders who phone 911. In theory, this should make people more comfortable seeking emergency supports, but in practice our research found that many remain hesitant because police continue to be routinely dispatched to the overdose site. Based on focus groups and surveys with 109 people who use drugs across Ontario, Canada, our findings show that the vast majority of participants have negative interactions with police, which discourages them from seeking medical assistance at future overdose incidents. Almost all questioned the necessity of dispatching law enforcement to a health emergency that requires medical intervention. As such, this commentary draws on the study's qualitative data to argue that ending routine police attendance at drug overdoses in Ontario would remove a major barrier to calling 911, and thus prevent the further, unnecessary loss of life in the ongoing overdose crisis.

Breaching Trust: A Qualitative Study of Healthcare Experiences of People Who Use Drugs in a Rural Setting

Background: Increased drug use has disproportionately impacted rural areas across the U.S. People who use drugs are at risk of overdose and other medical complications, including infectious diseases. Understanding barriers to healthcare access for this often stigmatized population is key to reducing morbidity and mortality, particularly in rural settings where resources may be limited. Methods: We conducted 20 semi-structured interviews with people who use drugs, including 17 who inject drugs, in rural southern Illinois between June 2018 and February 2019. Interviews were analyzed using a modified grounded theory approach where themes are coded and organized as they emerge from the data. Results: Participants reported breaches of trust by healthcare providers, often involving law enforcement and Emergency Medical Services, that dissuaded them from accessing medical care. Participants described experiences of mistreatment in emergency departments, with one account of forced catheterization. They further recounted disclosures of protected health information by healthcare providers, including communicating drug test results to law enforcement and sharing details of counseling sessions with community members without consent. Participants also described a hesitancy common among people who use drugs to call emergency medical services for an overdose due to fear of arrest. Conclusion: Breaches of trust by healthcare providers in rural communities discouraged people who use drugs from accessing medical care until absolutely necessary, if at all. These experiences may worsen healthcare outcomes and further stigmatize this marginalized community. Structural changes including reforming and clarifying law enforcement's role in Emergency Departments as well as instituting diversion policies during arrests may help rebuild trust in these communities. Other possible areas for intervention include stigma training and harm reduction education for emergency medicine providers, as well as developing and implementing referral systems between Emergency Departments and local harm reduction providers and medically assisted drug treatment programs.

Cocaine use and overdose mortality in the United States: Evidence from two national data sources, 2002-2018

BACKGROUND

Cocaine-involved overdose mortality has recently risen in the United States (US), yet it is unclear to what extent patterns in cocaine-involved overdose mortality parallel patterns in cocaine use. This study: examined time trends (2002-2018) in past-year cocaine use and cocaine-involved overdose mortality in the US; and compared demographics and drug involvement of adults who reported past-year cocaine use versus adults who died of a cocaine-involved overdose.

METHODS

Data from two sources were utilized: (1) the National Survey on Drug Use and Health (n = 1,334 adults self-reporting cocaine use in 2018); and (2) the Multiple Cause of Death dataset of the National Center for Health Statistics (N = 14,630 adults who died of a cocaine-involved overdose in 2018). The study examined prevalence of past-year cocaine use, mortality rates for cocaine-involved overdose, 2002-2018 trends, demographic characteristics, and involvement of other drugs.

RESULTS

Results of Joinpoint Regression indicated that the prevalence of past-year cocaine use increased after 2011, with an annual percent change of 5.13, while age-adjusted cocaine-involved overdose mortality rates escalated after 2012, with an annual percent change of 26.54. In 2018, prevalence of past-year cocaine use did not significantly differ (p = 0.09) by racial/ethnic group, yet Non-Hispanic Blacks had an age-adjusted cocaine-involved overdose mortality rate more than double the rate in Non-Hispanic Whites and significantly higher (p < 0.001) than in any other group.

CONCLUSIONS

While the prevalence of cocaine use has increased modestly, cocaine-involved overdose mortality has risen dramatically. Cocaine-involved overdose mortality is disproportionately affecting individuals who are Black, older, or with lower educational attainment.

"Generally, you get 86'ed because you're a liability": An application of Integrated Threat Theory to frequently witnessed overdoses and social distancing responses

While rates of opioid overdose deaths in North American have increased exponentially in recent years, most overdoses are not fatal, especially when witnesses are present and can intervene. Previous research has found that some people who use drugs [PWUDs] trained in overdose response might cut social ties with frequent overdosers, leading to more solitary opioid use and risk of death if someone overdoses alone. To examine the phenomenon of social distancing of people who overdose frequently, we used data from fifty-two in-depth qualitative interviews collected in Southern California with PWUDs who had recently witnessed an opioid overdose. Transcripts were reviewed and coded thematically, using the Integrated Threat Theory (ITT) to conceptualize the observed phenomenon. ITT outlines how realistic and symbolic threats are experienced by a group. We found that while some participants acknowledged the role of adulterated street drugs in overdoses, individualized blame was nonetheless imposed. Accusations of careless drug use practices fostered negative stereotyping towards frequent overdosers. This was attributed to the need to summon 911 for rescue, which often resulted in police dispatch. The intergroup relationship between police and PWUDs is precarious as police pose realistic threats onto PWUDs - such as incarceration, eviction, and manslaughter charges - leading to intragroup anxiety among PWUDs about future overdose events, and labelled frequent overdosers as liabilities. These threats, and inter/intra-group conflict, explained one reason how and why non-fatal overdoses led to social distancing events. People who overdose frequently were also accused of breaking the norm of drug user surreptitiousness; a symbolic threat that endangered the group due to police exposure. Social distancing might dampen exposure to the protective effect of peer-led interventions such as take-home naloxone programs, increasing risk of overdose death. This phenomenon highlights how intergroup dynamics are driving intragroup processes. Suggestions for tailoring public health interventions are discussed.

Fatal overdose prevention and experience with naloxone: A cross-sectional study from a community-based cohort of people who inject drugs in Baltimore, Maryland

Introduction

Overdose is a leading cause of death in the United States, especially among people who inject drugs (PWID). Improving naloxone access and carrying among PWID may offset recent increases in overdose mortality associated with the influx of synthetic opioids in the drug market. This study characterized prevalence and correlates of several naloxone outcomes among PWID.

Methods

During 2018, a survey to assess experience with naloxone was administered to 915 participants in the AIDS Linked to the IntraVenous Experience (ALIVE) study, an ongoing community-based observational cohort of people who currently inject or formerly injected drugs in Baltimore, Maryland. We examined the associations of naloxone outcomes (training, supply, use, and regular possession) with socio-demographic, substance use and healthcare utilization factors among PWID in order to characterize gaps in naloxone implementation among this high-risk population.

Results

Median age was 56 years, 34% were female, 85% were African American, and 31% recently injected. In the past six months, 46% (n = 421) reported receiving training in overdose prevention, 38% (n = 346) had received a supply of naloxone, 9% (n = 85) had administered naloxone, and 9% (n = 82) reported usually carrying a supply of naloxone. Recent non-fatal overdose was not associated with any naloxone outcomes in adjusted analysis. Active opioid use (aOR = 2.10, 95% CI: 1.03, 4.28) and recent treatment of alcohol or substance use disorder (aOR = 2.01, 95% CI: 1.13, 3.56) were associated with regularly carrying naloxone.

Conclusion

Further work is needed to encourage PWID to carry and effectively use naloxone to decrease rates of fatal opioid overdose. While accessing treatment for substance use disorder was positively associated with carrying naloxone, EMS response to 911 calls for overdose, the emergency department, and syringe services programs may be settings in which naloxone access and carrying could be encouraged among PWID.