Interaction between tone and intonation in Thai after unilateral brain damage

The role of the insular cortex in pitch pattern perception: the effect of linguistic contexts

Auditory pitch patterns are significant ecological features to which nervous systems have exquisitely adapted. Pitch patterns are found embedded in many contexts, enabling different information-processing goals. Do the psychological functions of pitch patterns determine the neural mechanisms supporting their perception, or do all pitch patterns, regardless of function, engage the same mechanisms? This issue is pursued in the present study by using 150-water positron emission tomography to study brain activations when two subject groups discriminate pitch patterns in their respective native languages, one of which is a tonal language and the other of which is not. In a tonal language, pitch patterns signal lexical meaning. Native Mandarin-speaking and English-speaking listeners discriminated pitch patterns embedded in Mandarin and English words and also passively listened to the same stimuli. When Mandarin listeners discriminated pitch embedded in Mandarin lexical tones, the left anterior insular cortex was the most active. When they discriminated pitch patterns embedded in English words, the homologous area in the right hemisphere activated as it did in English-speaking listeners discriminating pitch patterns embedded in either Mandarin or English words. These results support the view that neural responses to physical acoustic stimuli depend on the function of those stimuli and implicate anterior insular cortex in auditory processing, with the left insular cortex especially responsive to linguistic stimuli.

Speech timing in Thai left- and right-hemisphere-damaged individuals

An acoustic analysis of syllable duration in short Thai phrases was conducted to evaluate the effects of focal brain damage on the control of speech timing. Almost all 35 of the subjects had participated in each of four previous companion studies: 13 left-brain-damaged (6 nonfluent aphasics; 7 fluent aphasics), 14 right-brain-damaged patients, and 8 normal controls. Somewhat surprisingly, results revealed relatively normal timing patterns in 3-syllable phrases in all subject groups. A comparison of the current study and the four others, however, led us to conclude that Thai-speaking nonfluent aphasics exhibit a speech timing deficit regardless of the linguistic level of representation, whereas timing deficits in fluent aphasics appear to be restricted to units larger than a syllable. Speech timing, on the other hand, appears to be intact across the board in right-brain-damaged individuals. Findings are brought to bear on theories of temporal control in brain-damaged patients.