Accessing stored information about familiar people

I recognise your name but I can't remember your face: An advantage for names in recognition memory

Forgetting someone's name is a common failure of memory, and often occurs despite being able to recognise that person's face. This gives rise to the widespread view that memory for names is generally worse than memory for faces. However, this everyday error confounds stimulus class (faces vs. names) with memory task: recognition versus recall. Here we compare memory for faces and names when both are tested in the same recognition memory framework. Contrary to the common view, we find a clear advantage for names over faces. Across three experiments, we show that recognition of previously unfamiliar names exceeds recognition of previously unfamiliar faces. This advantage persists, even when the same face pictures are repeated at learning and test-a picture-memory task known to produce high levels of performance. Differential performance between names and faces disappears in recognition memory for familiar people. The results are discussed with reference to representational complexity and everyday memory errors.

A normative study for photographs of celebrities in Spain

Research on familiar faces has recurrently been conducted in different domains, such as, psycholinguistics, memory, attention, face processing, aging studies, etc. In general, photographs of celebrities, their proper names, or their occupations have been the materials mainly employed in those types of studies. These stimuli are, however, very constrained by the geographic and sociocultural contexts in which the studies are conducted, and, in spite of their relevance for psychological research, there are no normative studies for celebrities in Spain. With the aim of filling this gap, the photographs and names of the 118 most frequently produced celebrities in Spain were collected. For each celebrity, values for 13 different indices (including psycholinguistic properties, naming times, and emotional indicators) were obtained from a young adult Spanish sample. Regression analyses on the data indicated that the main determinant in naming times and ToTs was the percentage of correct responses. Face agreement was also a significant predictor of ToTs. Results were compared with previous celebrity norms in other languages, and discussed in relation to the current models of face processing. These norms are likely to make a useful contribution to the design of more controlled research and applied tools in Psychology.

I Recognize your Face, but I Can't Remember your Name: A Question of Expertise?

In four experiments on the identification of familiar faces we reassessed a robust performance pattern—namely, the temporal advantage for retrieving biographical facts as compared to recalling proper names, which has been interpreted as reflecting a serial ordering of the access to semantic and name information. Evidence for recent parallel accounts had been provided by Scanlan and Johnston (1997) who reported an advantage for name retrieval in children. Here we replicated the findings of Scanlan and Johnston but also showed that the naming advantage disappears, and performance is very similar to that of adults when stimuli and tasks are used that are familiar to children. Conversely, we also demonstrated an advantage for name retrieval in adults when highly unfamiliar semantic facts were associated with the faces. Together these findings suggest that there is no fundamental difference in the cognitive architectures of children and adults. The experiments indicate that the relative speed of naming and semantic fact retrieval depends on the expertise with the semantic facts to be retrieved. Implications for models of face identification and naming are discussed.

Repetition priming of access to biographical information from faces

Two experiments examined repetition priming on tasks that require access to semantic (or biographical) information from faces. In the second stage of each experiment, participants made either a nationality or an occupation decision to faces of celebrities, and, in the first stage, they made either the same or a different decision to faces (in Experiment 1) or the same or a different decision to printed names (in Experiment 2). All combinations of priming and test tasks produced clear repetition effects, which occurred irrespective of whether the decisions made were positive or negative. Same-domain (face-to-face) repetition priming was larger than cross-domain (name-to-face) priming, and priming was larger when the two tasks were the same. It is discussed how these findings are more readily accommodated by the Burton, Bruce, and Johnston (1990) model of face recognition than by episode-based accounts of repetition priming.

Priming Production of People's Names

Surnames of celebrities that are English words (e.g. “Wood”, “Bush”, “Sleep”) were used to explore the relationship between production of common names and proper names that share the same phonology. No effect of priming of face naming latency was found from a prime task in which a written common name was presented and was read aloud, even when subjects were informed the words that they would read aloud were surnames. Production of common names to complete a sentence did not prime famous-face naming. However, the reaction time required to name a famous face by articulating the surname only was primed by seeing the written full name of the celebrity, whether the surname was read aloud or an occupation decision or a familiarity decision was made. No effect of priming was found if the test task did not require name production. The results are interpreted in terms of the information-processing model of face, name, and word recognition proposed by Valentine, Brédart, Lawson, and Ward (1991). It is concluded that the effect of repetition reflects greater accessibility of lexical output codes resulting from an increase in the weight on links from person identity nodes to the output lexicon. Access to the output lexicon is assumed to be mandatory from written input. Common names access the output lexicon from the word recognition system rather than the person recognition system and therefore do not prime face naming latency.

The Effects of Different Types of Encoding Task on Memory for Famous Faces and Names

In this study, incidental memory for familiar faces following different types of encoding task was investigated. Subjects who had been asked to name faces of celebrities at presentation subsequently remembered them significantly better than subjects who had been asked to provide contextual information about the faces, and than subjects who had been asked to distinguish them from unfamiliar faces. This effect persisted regardless of whether the tests required memory for names, faces, or biographical information. It is argued that these results can be explained in terms of the face-processing framework of Bruce and Young (1986) and the theory of episodic memory for faces put forward by Bruce (1982, 1988). However the findings are not consistent with levels of processing (Craik & Lockhart, 1972), nor transfer appropriate processing (Morris, Bransford, & Franks, 1977).

By which name should I call thee? The consequences of having multiple names

The nominal competitor effect suggests that, when a person has two names associated with them, recall of either name is more difficult than if they just had one name. Drawing on a connectionist framework, this effect could arise either if multiple names were represented as being connected to a single person identity node (PIN), or if multiple names were represented as being connected via one-to-one links to multiple PINs. Whilst the latter has intuitive appeal, results from two experiments support the former architecture. Having two names connected to a single PIN not only gives rise to a nominal competitor effect (Experiment 1), but also gives rise to a familiarity enhancement effect (Experiment 2). These empirical results are simulated using an extension of Brédart, Valentine, Calder, and Gassi's (1995) connectionist architecture, which reveals that both effects hold even when the association of both names to the PIN is unequal. These results are presented in terms of a more complete model for person recognition, and the representation of semantic information within such a model is examined.

Impact of sleep loss before learning on cortical dynamics during memory retrieval

Evidence shows that sleep loss before learning decreases activation of the hippocampus during encoding and promotes forgetting. But it remains to be determined which neural systems are functionally affected during memory retrieval after one night of recovery sleep. To investigate this issue, we evaluated memory for pairs of famous people's faces with the same or different profession (i.e., semantically congruent or incongruent faces) after one night of undisturbed sleep in subjects who either underwent 4hours of acute sleep restriction (ASR, N=20) or who slept 8hours the pre-training night (controls, N=20). EEG recordings were collected during the recognition memory task in both groups, and the cortical sources generating this activity localized by applying a spatial beamforming filter in the frequency domain. Even though sleep restriction did not affect accuracy of memory performance, controls showed a much larger decrease of alpha power relative to a baseline period when compared to sleep-deprived subjects. These group differences affected a widespread frontotemporoparietal network involved in retrieval of episodic/semantic memories. Regression analyses further revealed that associative memory in the ASR group was negatively correlated with alpha power in the occipital regions, whereas the benefit of congruency in the same group was positively correlated with delta power in the left lateral prefrontal cortex. Retrieval-related decreases of alpha power have been associated with the reactivation of material-specific memory representations, whereas increases of delta power have been related to inhibition of interferences that may affect the performance of the task. We can therefore draw the conclusion that a few hours of sleep loss in the pre-training night, though insufficient to change the memory performance, is sufficient to alter the processes involved in retrieving and manipulating episodic and semantic information.

Putting a name to a face: the role of name labels in the formation of face memories

Although previous research in ERPs has focused on the conditions under which faces are recognized, less research has focused on the process by which face representations are acquired and maintained. In Experiment 1, participants were required to monitor for a target "Joe" face that was shown among a series of nontarget "Other" faces. At the halfway point, participants were instructed to switch targets from the Joe face to a previous nontarget face that is now labeled "Bob." The ERP analysis focused on the posterior N250 component known to index face familiarity and the P300 component associated with context updating and response decision. Results showed that, in the first half of the experiment, there was increase in N250 negativity to the target Joe face compared with the nontarget Bob and designated Other face. In the second half of the experiment, an enhanced N250 negativity was produced to the now-target Bob face compared with the Other face. Critically, the enhanced N250 negativity to the Joe face was maintained, although Joe was no longer the target. The P300 component followed a similar pattern of brain response, where the Joe face elicited a significantly larger P300 amplitude than the Other face and the Bob face. In the Bob half of the experiment, the Bob face elicited a reliably larger P300 than the Other faces, and the heightened P300 to the Joe face was sustained. In Experiment 2, we examined whether the increased N250 and P300 to Joe was because of simple naming effects. Participants were introduced to both Joe and Bob faces and names at the beginning of the experiment. In the first half of the experiment, participants monitored for the target Joe face and at the halfway point, they were instructed to switch targets to the Bob face. Findings show that N250 negativity significantly increased to the Joe face relative to the Bob and Other faces in the first half of the experiment and an enhanced N250 negativity was found for the target Bob face and the nontarget Joe face in the second half. An increased P300 amplitude was demonstrated to the target Joe and Bob faces in the first and second halves of the experiment, respectively. Importantly, the P300 amplitude elicited by the Joe face equaled the P300 amplitude to the Bob face, although it was no longer the target face. The findings from Experiments 1 and 2 suggest that the N250 component is not solely determined by name labeling, exposure, or task relevancy, but it is the combination of these factors that contribute to the acquisition of enduring face representations.

Naming very familiar people: When retrieving names is faster than retrieving semantic biographical information

One of the most reliable findings in the literature on person indentification is that semantic categorization of a face occurs more quickly than naming a face. Here we present two experiments in which participants are shown the faces of their colleagues, i.e., personally familiar people, encountered with high frequency. In each experiment, naming was faster than making a semantic classification, despite the fact that the semantic classifications were highly salient to the participants (Experiment 1: highest degree obtained; Experiment 2: nationality). The finding is consistent with models that allow or parallel access from faces to semantic information and to names, and demonstrates the need for the frequency of exposure to names to be taken into account in models of proper name processing e.g. Burke, Mackay, Worthley and Wade (1991).

Children and adults recall the names of highly familiar faces faster than semantic information

Adults find it harder to remember the names of familiar people than other biographical information such as occupation or nationality. It has been suggested that the opposite effect occurs in children (Scanlan & Johnston, 1997). We failed to replicate the effects found by Scanlan and Johnston and instead found that children were slower to match a name than an occupation to a famous face (Experiment 1). In Experiments 2 and 3, however, we show a temporal advantage for names in both adults and children when highly familiar faces are used. This is the case for famous and personally known faces. These results show that the speed of name retrieval is influenced by familiarity in the same way in both children and adults and indicate that children do not represent knowledge for familiar people differently from adults. The implications of these results for current models of name retrieval difficulties are discussed.

Competing mechanisms for mapping action-related categorical knowledge and observed actions

Responses to pictures of famous tennis and soccer athletes are slower when the responding effector is a hand or foot, respectively, indicating that visual recognition of individuals characterized by skilled motor behavior interferes with the motor reactivity of nonproficient observers. By contrast, directly viewing actions induces motor facilitation, suggesting that actions are mapped in the observers' motor system. Here, we used single-pulse Transcranial Magnetic Stimulation to determine 1) whether observing and recognizing the identity of famous tennis and soccer athletes selectively reduce the corticospinal excitability of arm and leg representations (categorization), 2) whether any athlete-related inhibition effect contrasts the facilitation associated with direct action observation (categorization + action), and 3) whether the classic action observation-related facilitation effect is found when viewing "in action" nonathlete models (action). In 3 experiments, we found that amplitude of motor evoked potentials (MEPs) recorded from leg and arm muscles gradually shifted from reduction to facilitation, moving from the categorization to the action observation tasks. Thus, semantic derivation of motor skills is reflected in limb-specific reduction of MEP amplitude, indicating that even abstract action knowledge is embodied in the motor system and that mapping others' actions on the basis of categorization or of their direct observation relies on competing functional mechanisms.

Who do you look like? Evidence of facial stereotypes for male names

The present research provides evidence that people use facial prototypes when they encounter different names. In Experiment 1, participants created face exemplars for fifteen common male names, subsets of which were endorsed as good examples by a second set of participants. These most typical faces were morphed to create face-name prototypes. In Experiment 2, participants matched one of the names to each of the prototype faces from Experiment 1. Participants' matching choices showed convergence in naming the prototypes for many of the names. Experiment 3 utilized these same prototypes in a learning task designed to investigate if the face-name associations revealed in Experiment 2 impacted the learnability of the names. Participants learned face-name pairings that had a higher association (based on frequencies from Experiment 2) faster than pairings with a low association. Results suggest a more direct relationship between faces and names than has been previously proposed.

A serial test of the laterality of familiar face recognition

The purpose of the present study was to address the issue of laterality of familiar face recognition. Seventy-two participants judged familiar faces presented laterally or centrally for their "faceness," familiarity, occupation, and name (which represent four stages of familiar face processing) using one of three response modes-verbal, manual, or combined. The pattern of reaction times (RTs) implied a serial process of familiar face recognition. Centrally presented stimuli were recognized faster than laterally presented stimuli. No RT differences were found between the left and right visual fields (VFs) across all judgments and response modes. The findings were interpreted as supporting the notion that there are no significant hemispheric differences in familiar face recognition.

Familiarity and pronounceability of nouns and names

Ratings of familiarity and pronounceability were obtained from a random sample of 199 surnames (selected from over 80,000 entries in the Purdue University phone book) and 199 nouns (from the Kucera-Francis, 1967, word database). The distributions of ratings for nouns versus names are substantially different: Nouns were rated as more familiar and easier to pronounce than surnames. Frequency and familiarity were more closely related in the proper name pool than the word pool, although both correlations were modest. Ratings of familiarity and pronounceability were highly related for both groups. A production experiment showed that rated pronounceability was highly related to the time taken to produce a name. These data confirm the common belief that there are differences in the statistical and distributional properties of words as compared to proper names. The value of using frequency and the ratings of familiarity and pronounceability for predicting variations in actual pronunciations of words and names are discussed.

Face-specific responses from the human inferior occipito-temporal cortex

Whole-head neuromagnetic responses were recorded from seven subjects to pictures of faces and to various control stimuli. Four subjects displayed signals specific to faces. The combination of functional information from magnetoencephalography and anatomical data from magnetic resonance images suggests that the face-specific activity was generated in the inferior occipitotemporal cortex. All four subjects showed the face-specific response in the right hemisphere, one of them also in the left. Our results, together with recent position emission tomography and lesion studies, suggest a right-hemisphere preponderance of face processing in the inferior occipitotemporal cortex.

I recognize your face, but I can't remember your name: a grown-up explanation?

Contemporary models of face recognition explain everyday difficulties in name retrieval by proposing that name information can only be accessed after semantic information (e.g. Bruce & Young, 1986) or by proposing an architecture which puts name retrieval at a disadvantage (e.g. Burton & Bruce, 1992). Experiments reported here examined the time required to access name and semantic details by adult and child subjects. In Experiment 1 adult subjects took more time to match familiar faces to names than to other semantic details (e.g. occupation), a finding consistent with all the previous literature on name retrieval. Experiment 2, however, showed that the youngest subjects were significantly faster in matching familiar faces to names than to semantic details. Experiment 3 also showed that children were faster at accessing names than occupations when giving vocal responses to presentations of familiar faces. These findings are not predicted by rigidly sequential models of face recognition and are discussed with specific reference to the ontogenesis of models based on a more flexible connectionist architecture.

Modelling face recognition

Much early work in the psychology of face processing was hampered by a failure to think carefully about task demands. Recently our understanding of the processes involved in the recognition of familiar faces has been both encapsulated in, and guided by, functional models of the processes involved in processing and recognizing faces. The specification and predictive power of such theory has been increased with the development of an implemented model, based upon an ‘interactive activation and competition’ architecture. However, a major deficiency in most accounts of face processing is their failure to spell out the perceptual primitives that form the basis of our representations for faces. Possible representational schemes are discussed, and the potential role of three-dimensional representations of the face is emphasized.

Cognitive mechanisms of face processing

Evidence from natural and induced errors of face recognition, from the effects of different cues on resolving errors, and from the latencies to make different decisions about seen faces, all suggest that familiar face recognition involves a fixed, invariant sequence of stages. To recognize a familiar face, a perceptual description of a seen face must first activate a long-standing representation of the appearance of the face of the familiar person. ‘Semantic’ knowledge about such things as the person’s occupation and personality are accessed next, followed, in the final stage, by the name. Certain factors affect the ease of familiar face recognition. Faces seen in the recent past are recognized more readily (repetition priming), as are distinctive faces, and faces preceded by those of related individuals (associative priming). Our knowledge of these phenomena is reviewed for the light it can shed upon the mechanisms of face recognition. Four aspects of face recognition - graded similarity effects and part-to-whole completion in repetition priming, prototype extraction with simultaneous retention of information about individual exemplars, and distinctiveness effects in classification and identification - are proposed as being compatible with distributed memory accounts of cognitive representations.

An interactive activation model of face naming

Burton and Bruce's (1992) model of face naming predicts a "fan effect", in which naming of famous people about whom many descriptive properties are known should be slower than naming of celebrities about whom few properties are known. An experiment is reported that showed that, contrary to this prediction, knowledge of many descriptive properties facilitated face-naming latency. An alternative architecture for an interactive activation model is proposed in which descriptive properties are represented in separate pools of units for each domain of information and in which names are represented by a separate pool of lexical output units. Computer simulations showed that this model could simulate the previously available empirical data as effectively as Burton and Bruce's (1992) original model. However, the proposed model could also simulate the effect of the number of known descriptive properties upon face-naming latency observed in the experiment reported. The new architecture also has the advantage of being more compatible with current models of speech production, and it allows preserved access to unique semantic properties in the context of impaired face naming as reported in the neuropsychological literature.

Are names difficult to recall because they are unique? A case study of a patient with anomia

According to Burton and Bruce (1992), names are more difficult to recall than biographical information about people, such as their occupation, because names are unique or highly distinctive. It follows from this that anomic patients who have great difficulty in recalling names should also find it difficult to recall other information that is unique to a particular individual. This paper attempts to evaluate this claim by examining the case of NP, a patient who has severe anomic word-finding difficulties following the rupture and repair of a posterior cerebral artery aneurysm. NP's ability to recall biographical information about people that she cannot name was investigated in a series of experiments. These revealed that she can answer specific questions about the occupations and appearance of well-known people and can recall distinctive meaningful information about them such as the identity of their spouse, even though she is unable to recall their name. It is argued that these results support the view that names are represented in a store separate from that for semantic information about people that we know. The findings are therefore consistent with the sequential stage model of face identification put forward by Bruce and Young (1986) and are explained in terms of the theory of speech production put forward by Levelt (1989).

Access to visual information from a name is contingent on access to identity-specific semantic information

In this study, we investigated subjects' ability to retrieve information about a familiar person's facial appearance in response to seeing their name. Each famous name was associated with one of four occupations (sport, music, politics, and acting) and one of four distinctive facial features (beard, long hair, glasses, baldness). Subjects were asked to state which occupation, and which facial feature was associated with each name. The most important finding was that subjects were generally only able to recall the distinctive facial feature that a person possessed if they were also able to recall their occupation. Recall of the person's occupation, by contrast, was not contingent on remembering the person's facial appearance. These results suggest that there are no direct links between the representation of a person's name in memory and visual information about their facial appearance. The link appears to be indirect, and to be mediated by non-visual semantic information about the person, such as their occupation. This conclusion was also supported by an examination of the effects of biographical cues on subjects' ability to recall facial information that they had previously failed to recall. In a second experiment, subjects were presented with biographical details about famous people, and were asked to retrieve information about their face and name. Retrieval of facial information did not appear to be contingent on recall of the name, nor did recall of the name appear to be contingent on retrieval of facial information. On the basis of the results, an hierarchical model of name recognition is presented which is analogous to current models of face recognition (e.g. Bruce & Young, 1986).

The difficulty with recalling people's names: the plausible phonology hypothesis

Recalling the name of a person is a simple, but often a problematic, everyday task. There are various explanations of this phenomenon, but here it is argued that the explanations offered so far, by failing to consider learning of names, have overlooked a simple account of name recall difficulty. The starting observation for this viewpoint is that names of people are often non-words, in that they have never been encountered before. This is not true of, say, names of professions. Not only does the relatively high rate of new exemplars mean that people's names are likely to be underlearned, but furthermore, even for equal degrees of learning, a person's name is at a disadvantage because of the high plausibility of most phonologies: "dreaner" is much more readily accepted as the name of a person than as the name of their profession. So specifying the phonology of people's names is inherently a more demanding task, compared to the phonology of other names. The implications of this view are explored with regard to explanations of empirically established name recall phenomena in normal subjects, the patterns of performance of anomic patients and the difficulty of name recall in different word domains. It is shown that these arguments, derived from a real world fact, account in a simple way for existing data and make predictions in different areas of research.

Repetition priming and proper name processing. Do common names and proper names prime each other?

Three experiments are reported in which a repetition priming technique was used to investigate whether recognition of a person's surname which is also a known word (e.g. Baker) activates the lexical representation that mediates word recognition. Experiment 1 showed that a familiarity decision to familiar full names produced an effect of repetition priming on subsequent lexical decision to words that were presented in the initial task as surnames. Experiment 2 demonstrated that, conversely, a lexical decision primed subsequent familiarity decision to full names involving the same word. Experiment 3 showed that repeating the same decision during the initial and test phases did not produce a larger repetition priming effect than that obtained when the task at test differed from the prime task (name familiarity decision vs lexical decision or vice versa). The results are interpreted as support for the view that repetition priming is due to repeated activation of representations that are accessed by both common names and proper names.

Naming faces and naming names: exploring an interactive activation model of person recognition

In this paper we present an interactive activation and competition (IAC) model of name recognition. This is an extension of a previous account of name retrieval (Burton & Bruce, 1992) and is based on a functional model due to Valentine, Bredart, Lawson, and Ward (1991). Several empirical effects of name recognition are simulated: (1) names that are known are read faster than names that are unknown; (2) common names are read faster than rare names; and (3) rare names are recognised as familiar faster than common names. The simulations demonstrate that these complex effects can arise as a natural consequence of the architecture of the IAC model. Finally, we explore a modification of the Valentine et al. functional model, and conclude that the model as originally proposed is best able to account for the available data.

An ecological study of professors' memory for student names and faces: a replication and extension

This experiment measured university professors' memory for the names and faces of current and former students over a two-semester span. If courses function as contextual retrieval cues for professors to remember their students, the passing of each semester should diminish the distinctiveness of these cues. Based on the Bruce and Young (1986) model of face recognition, we hypothesised that as contextual cues become less distinctive, performance should suffer more on name recall tests than on name or face recognition tests. We found that name free recall and portrait-cued name recall declined very sharply after one semester (6 months), and face recognition declined after two semesters (12 months), whereas name recognition remained perfect. These results provide a general replication and extension of Bahrick (1984), and show that difficulties in recalling names cannot be due to any weakening of name representations in memory. We suggest that name recall may be dependent on contextual cues that become less distinctive with succeeding semesters.

From Monroe to Moreau: an analysis of face naming errors

Functional models of face recognition and speech production have developed separately. However, naming a familiar face is, of course, an act of speech production. In this paper we propose a revision of Bruce and Young's (1986) model of face processing, which incorporates two features of Levelt's (1989) model of speech production. In particular, the proposed model includes two stages of lexical access for names and monitoring of face naming based on a "perceptual loop". Two predictions were derived from the perceptual loop hypothesis of speech monitoring: (1) naming errors in which a (correct) rare surname is erroneously replaced by a common surname should occur more frequently than the reverse substitution (the error asymmetry effect); (2) naming errors in which a common surname is articulated are more likely to be repaired than errors which result in articulation of a rare surname (the error-repairing effect). Both predictions were supported by an analysis of face naming errors in a laboratory face naming task. In a further experiment we considered the possibility that the effects of surname frequency observed in face naming errors could be explained by the frequency sensitivity of lexical access in speech production. However, no effect of the frequency of the surname of the faces used in the previous experiment was found on face naming latencies. Therefore, it is concluded that the perceptual loop hypothesis provides the more parsimonious account of the entire pattern of the results.

Routes through the face recognition system

Two experiments are reported which seek to examine the proposition first put forward by Hay and Young (1982), that recognition of a known person after seeing his or her face proceeds through a series of sequentially organized stages. In both experiments subjects were shown a selection of famous and unfamiliar faces and required to state whether each face was familiar. They were then asked to recall semantic information and the person's name. Of all the possible response types, only some are predicted by models derived from Hay and Young (1982), and only these responses were observed in Experiment 1. In order to give as complete an account as possible of the slips and errors made by subjects, they were interrogated some days after completing the testing phase in Experiment 2. As in the first experiment, the results supported the view that distinct but successive stages are involved in everyday face recognition. The method developed here provides an extension of the "dairy" type of study of everyday recognition errors into laboratory conditions, which confirms the findings of studies of everyday errors and provides strong support for sequential models.