Multiple constraints on semantic integration in a hierarchical structure: ERP evidence from German

Semantic feature activation takes time: longer SOA elicits earlier priming effects during reading

While most previous studies of "semantic" priming confound associative and semantic relations, here we use a simple co-occurrence-based approach to examine "pure" semantic priming, while experimentally controlling for associative relations. We define associative relations by the co-occurrence of words in the sentences of a large text corpus. Contextual-semantic feature overlap, in contrast, is defined by the number of common associates that the prime shares with the target. Then we revisit the spreading activation theory and examine whether a long vs. short time available for semantic feature activation leads to early vs. late viewing time effects on the target words of a sentence reading experiment. We independently manipulate contextual-semantic feature overlap of two primes with one target word in sentences of the form pronoun, verb prime, article, adjective prime and target noun, e. g., "She rides the gray elephant." The results showed that long-SOA (verb-noun) overlap reduces early single and first fixation durations of the target noun, and short-SOA (adjective-noun) overlap reduces late go-past durations. This result pattern can be explained by the spreading activation theory: The semantic features of the prime words need some time to become sufficiently active before they can reliably affect target processing. Therefore, the verb can act on the target noun's early eye-movement measures presented three words later, while the adjective is presented immediately prior to the target-thus a difficult adjective-noun semantic integration leads to a late sentence re-examination of the preceding words.

Processing Aspectual Agreement in an Inflexionless Language: An ERP Study of Mandarin Chinese

This is a study of the collocation of Chinese verbs with different lexical aspects and aspect markers. Using event-related potentials (ERPs), we explored the processing of aspect violation sentences. In the experiment, we combined verbs of various lexical aspect types with the progressive aspect marker zhe, and the combination of the achievement verbs and the progressive aspect marker zhe constituted the sentence's aspect violation. The participants needed to judge whether a sentence was correct after it was presented. Finally, we observed and analyzed the components of ERPs. The results suggest that when the collocation of aspect markers and lexical aspect is ungrammatical, the N400-like and P600 are elicited on aspect markers, while the late AN is elicited by the word after the aspect marker. P600 and N400-like show that the collocation of Chinese verbs with various lexical aspects and aspect markers involve not only syntactic processing, but also the semantic processing; and the late AN may have been due to the syntax revision and the conclusion at the end of sentences.

Neural correlates of processing Chinese structural particles: An ERP study

In order to investigate the neural correlates of processing Chinese structural particles, 'De¹ (), De² (), and De³ ()', we recorded and analyzed the ERPs components related to the conflict processing in the judgement task, in which the participants are required to determine whether the target word matched the structural particle that appear in the given structure. We found that compared with the congruent condition, the frontal-central N400 and central-parietal P600 were elicited by the incongruent target word. Especially, three Chinese structural particles, 'De¹ (), De² (), and De³ ()' modulated the amplitudes of N400 and P600 components and the incongruent condition of 'De¹' elicited larger N400 and P600 than did 'De²' and 'De³', but no apparent difference appeared between the latter two structural particles. These data provide new electrophysiological evidence for processing Chinese structural particles.

An alternative structure rescues failed semantics? Strong global expectancy reduces local-mismatch N400 in Chinese flexible structures

During comprehension of a hierarchical structure, semantic integration between sequential, mismatched sentential constituents does not proceed when the later word in the sequence (e.g., the noun in the verb + classifier + noun) can be assigned an alternative role in the sentence (e.g., as a modifier of a subsequent object noun) (Zhang et al., 2011). Using electrophysiological measures, we examined how the availability of an alternative structure and whether the reader is motivated to generate an alternative structure affect semantic integration in a hierarchical structure. The same set of sentences was employed in three experiments in which the semantic congruency between the adjective and the object noun in the local structure and the sentential-contextual expectancy towards a noun were manipulated simultaneously. The reader's motivation was manipulated by tasks in which they made semantic acceptability judgment (Experiment 1), passively viewed sentences for comprehension (Experiment 2), or actively predicted the upcoming word and monitored the compatibility between the anticipated and the actual input (Experiment 3). Stronger contextual expectancy reduced N400 responses to the object noun regardless of semantic congruency, indicating that strengthening the constraints of an alternative argument decreased the effort of semantic integration between incompatible local constituents. Relative to weaker expectancy, the incongruent noun preceded by a stronger expectancy context elicited reduced N400 responses when no active prediction was demanded but showed equal amplitudes when such a demand was high. These findings demonstrate that the semantic failure in a flexible structure is likely to be resolved by the comprehender's motivation to generate an alternative structure based on the active use of contextual expectancy information, thus highlighting the "role-dependent semantic processing" during sentence comprehension.

Behavioral and neural evidence on the processing of ambiguous adjective-noun dependencies in Korean sentence comprehension

In Korean, it is allowed for an adjective to modify a distant noun that appears after an intervening relative clause instead of an adjacent noun. The current study investigated the time course of syntactic and semantic integration between an adjective (A) and an adjacent noun (N1) and/or a distant noun (N2) during on-line reading comprehension of Korean sentences. Semantic congruence between adjectives and nouns were manipulated, such that A was congruent with both N1 and N2, either with N1 or N2, or with none of N1/N2. The reading times and ERPs to critical words revealed that under A-N1 semantic incongruence, not the processing load of N1, but those of the relative clause verb and N2 which is semantically incongruent with A increased. These results imply that the semantic incongruence suppressed the A-N1 integration until the relative clause verb occurred, and the processor immediately attempted the A-N2 integration for a way out from the ultimate processing breakdown even before the occurrence of the main verb.

Local and global semantic integration in an argument structure: ERP evidence from Korean

The neural responses of Korean speakers were recorded while they read sentences that included local semantic mismatch between adjectives (A) and nouns (N) or/and global semantic mismatch between object nouns (N) and verbs (V), as well as the corresponding control sentences without any semantic anomalies. In Experiment 1 using verb-final declarative sentences (Nsubject [A-N]object V), the local A-N incongruence yielded an N400 effect at the object noun and a combination of N400 and a late negativity effect at the sentence final verb, whereas the global N-V incongruence yielded a biphasic N400 and P600 ERP pattern at the verb compared with the ERPs of same words in the control sentences respectively; in Experiment 2 using verb-initial object relative clause constructions ([Nsubject _V]rel [A-N]object …..) derived from the materials of Experiment 1, the effect of local incongruence changed notably such that not only an N400 but also an additional P600 effect was observed at the object noun, whereas the effect of the global incongruence remained largely the same (N400 and P600). Our theoretical interpretation of these results specifically focused on the reason for the P600 effects observed across different experiment conditions, which turned out to be attributable to (i) coordination of a semantic conflict, (ii) prediction disconfirmation, or (iii) argument structure processing breakdown.

N400 ERPs for actions: building meaning in context

Converging neuroscientific evidence suggests the existence of close links between language and sensorimotor cognition. Accordingly, during the comprehension of meaningful actions, our brain would recruit semantic-related operations similar to those associated with the processing of language information. Consistent with this view, electrophysiological findings show that the N400 component, traditionally linked to the semantic processing of linguistic material, can also be elicited by action-related material. This review outlines recent data from N400 studies that examine the understanding of action events. We focus on three specific domains, including everyday action comprehension, co-speech gesture integration, and the semantics involved in motor planning and execution. Based on the reviewed findings, we suggest that both negativities (the N400 and the action-N400) reflect a common neurocognitive mechanism involved in the construction of meaning through the expectancies created by previous experiences and current contextual information. To shed light on how this process is instantiated in the brain, a testable contextual fronto-temporo-parietal model is proposed.

Multiple semantic processes at different levels of syntactic hierarchy: does the higher-level process proceed in face of a lower-level failure?

Humans have special abilities in processing hierarchical, recursive structures. Here we investigated how an upcoming word embedded in a hierarchical structure is semantically integrated into the prior representation during sentence comprehension. Participants read Chinese sentences with a complex verb argument structure "subject noun+verb+numeral+classifier+object noun", in which the object noun was constrained by the classifier in a local structure and by the verb in a higher-level structure. The semantic congruence between the classifier and the noun, between the verb and the noun, and between the verb and the classifier was manipulated individually or simultaneously to create a local mismatch (i.e., with classifier-noun mismatch), a sequential mismatch (with verb-classifier and classifier-noun mismatches) or a triple mismatch (with verb-classifier, classifier-noun, and verb-classifier mismatches) condition. Event-related potentials locked to the object noun showed increased N400 and late negativity responses over the local mismatch, the sequential mismatch and the triple mismatch conditions. The local mismatch additionally elicited a posterior positivity effect on the object noun. The verb-classifier mismatch elicited a right N400-like effect followed by a posterior positivity (P600) effect on the classifier. The N400 effects demonstrate that the semantic process at a higher syntactic level can proceed in face of the failure of semantic processes at lower levels when no structural re-interpretation is available, and that the semantic congruence between earlier sentence constituents can affect the integration of the upcoming word in the hierarchical structure. The P600 effects suggest the immediate triggering of a co-ordination process across syntactic levels whereas the late anterior negativity effects suggest the initiation of a second-pass semantic re-interpretation process.