Brain responses to a lab-evolved artificial language with space-time metaphors

What is the connection between the cultural evolution of a language and the rapid processing response to that language in the brains of individual learners? In an iterated communication study that was conducted previously, participants were asked to communicate temporal concepts such as "tomorrow," "day after," "year," and "past" using vertical movements recorded on a touch screen. Over time, participants developed simple artificial 'languages' that used space metaphorically to communicate in nuanced ways about time. Some conventions appeared rapidly and universally (e.g., using larger vertical movements to convey greater temporal durations). Other conventions required extensive social interaction and exhibited idiosyncratic variation (e.g., using vertical location to convey past or future). Here we investigate whether the brain's response during acquisition of such a language reflects the process by which the language's conventions originally evolved. We recorded participants' EEG as they learned one of these artificial space-time languages. Overall, the brain response to this artificial communication system was language-like, with, for instance, violations to the system's conventions eliciting an N400-like component. Over the course of learning, participants' brain responses developed in ways that paralleled the process by which the language had originally evolved, with early neural sensitivity to violations of a rapidly-evolving universal convention, and slowly developing neural sensitivity to an idiosyncratic convention that required slow social negotiation to emerge. This study opens up exciting avenues of future work to disentangle how neural biases influence learning and transmission in the emergence of structure in language.

Multivariate pattern analysis of EEG reveals nuanced impact of negation on sentence processing in the N400 and later time windows

The neurocognitive mechanism underlying negation processing remains controversial. While negation is suggested to modulate the access of word meaning, no such evidence has been observed in the event-related potential (ERP) literature on sentence processing. In the current study, we applied both univariate ERP and multivariate pattern analysis (MVPA) methods to examine the processing of sentence negation. We investigated two types of negative congruent/incongruent sentence pairs with truth-value evaluation (e.g., "A robin is a/not a bird") and without (e.g., "The woman reads a/no book"). In the N400 time window, ERPs consistently showed increased negativity for negative and incongruent conditions. MVPA, on the other hand, revealed nuanced interactions between polarity and congruency. In the later P600 time window, MVPA but not the ERPs revealed an effect of congruency, which may be functionally distinct from the N400 window. We further used cross-decoding to show that the cognitive processes underlying the N400 window for both affirmative and negative sentences are comparable, whereas in the P600 window, only for the truth sentences, negative sentences showed a distinct pattern from their affirmative counterparts. Our results thus speak for a more interactive, but nevertheless serial and biphasic, and potentially construction-specific processing account of negation. We also discuss the advantage of applying MVPA in addition to the classical univariate methods for a better understanding of the neurobiology of negation processing and language comprehension alike.

Are the P600 and P3 ERP components linked to the task-evoked pupillary response as a correlate of norepinephrine activity?

During language comprehension, anomalies and ambiguities in the input typically elicit the P600 event-related potential component. Although traditionally interpreted as a specific signal of combinatorial operations in sentence processing, the component has alternatively been proposed to be a variant of the oddball-sensitive, domain-general P3 component. In particular, both components might reflect phasic norepinephrine release from the locus coeruleus (LC/NE) to motivationally significant stimuli. In this preregistered study, we tested this hypothesis by relating both components to the task-evoked pupillary response, a putative biomarker of LC/NE activity. 36 participants completed a sentence comprehension task (containing 25% morphosyntactic violations) and a non-linguistic oddball task (containing 20% oddballs), while the EEG and pupil size were co-registered. Our results showed that the task-evoked pupillary response and the ERP amplitudes of both components were similarly affected by both experimental tasks. In the oddball task, there was also a temporally specific relationship between the P3 and the pupillary response beyond the shared oddball effect, thereby further linking the P3 to NE. Because this link was less reliable in the linguistic context, we did not find conclusive evidence for or against a relationship between the P600 and the pupillary response. Still, our findings further stimulate the debate on whether language-related ERPs are indeed specific to linguistic processes or shared across cognitive domains. However, further research is required to verify a potential link between the two ERP positivities and the LC/NE system as the common neural generator.

An ERP study on the certainty of epistemic modality in predictive inference processing

Previous psychological experiments have shown that predictive inference processing under different textual constraints is modulated by the directionality function of epistemic modality (EM) certainty within the context. Nevertheless, recent neuroscientific studies have not presented positive evidence for such a function during text reading. Consequently, the current study deposited Chinese EMs "" (possibly) and "" (surely) into a predictive inference context to examine whether a directionality of EM certainty influences the processing of predictive inference via the ERP technique. Two independent variables, namely textual constraint and EM certainty, were manipulated, and 36 participants were recruited. The results revealed that, in the anticipatory stage of predictive inference processing while under a weak textual constraint, low certainty evoked a larger N400 (300-500 ms) in the fronto-central and centro-parietal regions, indicating the augmentation of cognitive loads in calculating the possibility of representations of the forthcoming information. Meanwhile, high certainty elicited a right fronto-central late positive component (LPC) (500-700 ms) associated with semantically congruent but lexically unpredicted words. In the integration stage, low certainty resulted in larger right fronto-central and centro-frontal N400 (300-500 ms) effects in the weak textual constraint condition, associated with the facilitation of lexical-semantic retrieval or pre-activation, and high certainty successively elicited right fronto-central and centro-parietal LPC (500-700 ms) effects, associated respectively with lexical unpredictability and reanalysis of the sentence meaning. The results support the directionality function of EM certainty and reveal the complete neural processing of predictive inferences with high and low certainties under different textual constraint conditions.

Expectations modulate retrieval interference during ellipsis resolution

Memory operations during language comprehension are subject to interference: retrieval is harder when items are linguistically similar to each other. We test how such interference effects might be modulated by linguistic expectations. Theories differ in how these factors might interact; we consider three possibilities: (i) predictability determines the need for retrieval, (ii) predictability affects cue-preference during retrieval, or (iii) word predictability moderates the effect of noise in memory during retrieval. We first demonstrate that expectations for a target word modulate retrieval interference in Mandarin noun-phrase ellipsis in an electroencephalography (EEG) experiment. This result obtains in globally ungrammatical sentences - termed "facilitatory interference." Such a pattern is inconsistent with theories that focus only on the need for retrieval. To tease apart cue-preferences from noisy-memory representations, we operationalize the latter using a Transformer neural network language model. Confronting the model with our stimuli reveals an interference effect, consistent with prior work, but that effect does not interact with predictability in contrast to human EEG results. Together, these data are most consistent with the hypothesis that the predictability of target items affects cue-preferences during retrieval.

Processing of complex morphosyntactic structures in French: ERP evidence from native speakers

This event-related brain potentials (ERP) study investigated the neurocognitive mechanisms underlying the auditory processing of verbal complexity in French illustrated by the prescriptive present subjunctive mode. Using a violation paradigm, ERPs of 32 French native speakers were continuously recorded while they listened to 200 ecological French sentences selected from the INTEFRA oral corpus (2006). Participants performed an offline acceptability judgement task on each sentence, half of which contained a correct present subjunctive verbal agreement (reçoive) and the other half an incorrect present indicative one (peut). Critically, the present subjunctive mode was triggered either by verbs (Ma mère desire que j'apprenneMy mother wants me to learn) or by subordinating conjunctions (Pour qu'elle reçoiveSo that she receives). We found a delayed anterior negativity (AN) due to the length of the verbal forms and a P600 that were larger for incongruent than for congruent verbal agreement in the same time window. While the two effects were left lateralized for subordinating conjunctions, they were right lateralized for both structures with a larger effect for subordinating conjunctions than for verbs. Moreover, our data revealed that the AN/P600 pattern was larger in late position than in early ones. Taken together, these results suggest that morphosyntactic complexity conveyed by the French subjunctive involves at least two neurocognitive processes thought to support an initial morphosyntactic analysis (AN) and a syntactic revision and repair (posterior P600). These two processes may be modulated as a function of both the element (i.e., subordinating conjunction vs verb) that triggers the subjunctive mode and the moment at which this element is used while sentence processing.

The P600 as a continuous index of integration effort

The integration of word meaning into an unfolding utterance representation is a core operation of incremental language comprehension. There is considerable debate, however, as to which component of the ERP signal-the N400 or the P600-directly reflects integrative processes, with far reaching consequences for the temporal organization and architecture of the comprehension system. Multi-stream models maintaining the N400 as integration crucially rely on the presence of a semantically attractive plausible alternative interpretation to account for the absence of an N400 effect in response to certain semantic anomalies, as reported in previous studies. The single-stream Retrieval-Integration account posits the P600 as an index of integration, further predicting that its amplitude varies continuously with integrative effort. Here, we directly test these competing hypotheses using a context manipulation design in which a semantically attractive alternative is either available or not, and target word plausibility is varied across three levels. An initial self-paced reading study revealed graded reading times for plausibility, suggesting differential integration effort. A subsequent ERP study showed no N400 differences across conditions, and that P600 amplitude is graded for plausibility. These findings are inconsistent with the interpretation of the N400 as an index of integration, as no N400 effect emerged even in the absence of a semantically attractive alternative. By contrast, the link between plausibility, reading times, and P600 amplitude supports the view that the P600 is a continuous index of integration effort. More generally, our results support a single-stream architecture and eschew the need for multi-stream accounts.

When a look is enough: Neurophysiological correlates of referential speaker gaze in situated comprehension

Behavioral studies have shown that speaker gaze to objects in a co-present scene can influence listeners' expectations about how the utterance will unfold. These findings have recently been supported by ERP studies that linked the underlying mechanisms of the integration of speaker gaze with an utterance meaning representation to multiple ERP components. This leads to the question, however, as to whether speaker gaze should be considered part of the communicative signal itself, such that the referential information conveyed by gaze can help listeners not only form expectations but also to confirm referential expectations induced by the prior linguistic context. In the current study, we investigated this question by conducting an ERP experiment (N=24, Age:[19,31]), in which referential expectations were established by linguistic context together with several depicted objects in the scene. Those expectations then could be confirmed by subsequent speaker gaze that preceded the referential expression. Participants were presented with a centrally positioned face performing gaze actions aligned to utterances comparing two out of three displayed objects, with the task to judge whether the sentence was true given the provided scene. We manipulated the gaze cue to be either Present (toward the subsequently named object) or Absent preceding contextually Expected or Unexpected referring nouns. The results provided strong evidence for gaze as being treated as an integral part of the communicative signal: While in the absence of gaze, effects of phonological verification (PMN), word meaning retrieval (N400) and sentence meaning integration/evaluation (P600) were found on the unexpected noun, in the presence of gaze effects of retrieval (N400) and integration/evaluation (P300) were solely found in response to the pre-referent gaze cue when it was directed toward the unexpected referent with attenuated effects on the following referring noun.

The effects of grammatical gender on the processing of occupational role names in Slovene: An event-related potential study

The event-related potential method has proven to be a useful tool for studying the effects of gender information in language. Studies have shown that mismatch between the antecedent and the following referent triggers two ERP components, N400 and P600. In the present study, we investigated how grammatical gender affects the mental representation of the grammatical subject. A match-mismatch paradigm was used to investigate how masculine grammatical gender and gender-balanced forms (the explicit mention of masculine and feminine forms as word pairs) as role nouns affect the processing of the referent in Slovenian. The morphological complexity of Slovenian language required the use of anaphoric verbs instead of nouns/pronouns, on which previous research was based. The results showed that following both the gender-balanced and the masculine generic forms, P600 (but not N400) was observed in response to the feminine verb but not to the masculine verb. The P600 amplitude was smaller in the case of the gender-balanced form than in the case of the masculine generic form only. We have concluded that gender-balanced forms are more open to feminine continuations than masculine generic forms. This is the first ERP study in Slovenian to address the effects of processing grammatical gender, thus contributing to existing research on languages with grammatical gender. The great strength of the study is that it is one of the first ERP studies to test the mental inclusivity of gender-balanced forms.

Bidialectal and monodialectal differences in morphosyntactic processing of AAE and MAE: Evidence from ERPs and acceptability judgments

INTRODUCTION

African American English (AAE) has never been examined through neurophysiological methods in investigations of dual-language variety processing. This study examines whether contrastive and non-contrastive morphosyntactic features in sentences with and without AAE constructions elicit differing neural and/or behavioral responses in bidialectal speakers of AAE and Mainstream American English (MAE), compared to monodialectal MAE speakers. We compared electroencephalographic (EEG) and behavioral (grammatical acceptability judgment) data to determine whether two dialects are processed similarly to distinct languages, as seen in studies of bilingual codeswitching where the P600 event related potential (ERP) has been elicited when processing a switch between language varieties.

METHODS

Bidialectal AAE-MAE speakers (n = 15) and monodialectal MAE speakers (n = 12) listened to sentences in four conditions, while EEG was recorded to evaluate time-locked brain responses to grammatical differences between sentence types. The maintained verb form in the present progressive tense sentences (e.g., The black cat lap/s the milk) was the morphosyntactic feature of interest for comparing P600 responses as an indicator of error detection. Following each trial, responses and reaction times to a grammatical acceptability judgment task were collected and compared.

RESULTS

Findings indicate distinct neurophysiological profiles between bidialectal and monodialectal speakers. Monodialectal speakers demonstrated a P600 response within 500-800ms following presentation of an AAE morphosyntax feature, indicating error detection; this response was not seen in the bidialectal group. Control sentences with non-contrasting grammar revealed no differences in ERP responses between groups. Behaviorally, bidialectal speakers showed greater acceptance of known dialectal variation and error (non-contrastive) sentence types compared to the monodialectal group.

CONCLUSIONS

ERP and behavioral responses are presented as preliminary evidence of dual-language representation in bidialectal speakers. Increased consideration of AAE language processing would enhance equity in the study of language at large, improving the work of clinicians, researchers, educators and policymakers alike.

Evoking the N400 Event-related Potential (ERP) Component Using a Publicly Available Novel Set of Sentences with Semantically Incongruent or Congruent Eggplants (Endings)

During speech comprehension, the ongoing context of a sentence is used to predict sentence outcome by limiting subsequent word likelihood. Neurophysiologically, violations of context-dependent predictions result in amplitude modulations of the N400 event-related potential (ERP) component. While N400 is widely used to measure semantic processing and integration, no publicly-available auditory stimulus set is available to standardize approaches across the field. Here, we developed an auditory stimulus set of 442 sentences that utilized the semantic anomaly paradigm, provided cloze probability for all stimuli, and was developed for both children and adults. With 20 neurotypical adults, we validated that this set elicits robust N400′s, as well as two additional semantically-related ERP components: the recognition potential (~250 ms) and the late positivity component (~600 ms). This stimulus set (https://doi.org/10.5061/dryad.9ghx3ffkg) and the 20 high-density (128-channel) electrophysiological datasets (https://doi.org/10.5061/dryad.6wwpzgmx4) are made publicly available to promote data sharing and reuse. Future studies that use this stimulus set to investigate sentential semantic comprehension in both control and clinical populations may benefit from the increased comparability and reproducibility within this field of research.

First Language Matters: Event-Related Potentials Show Crosslinguistic Influence on the Processing of Placement Verb Semantics

Second language (L2) learners experience challenges when word meanings differ across L1 and L2, and often display crosslinguistic influence (CLI) in speech production. In contrast, studies of online comprehension show more mixed results. Therefore, this study explored how L2 learners process fine-grained L2 verb semantics in the domain of caused motion (placement) and specifically the impact of having similar vs. non-similar semantics in the L1 and L2. Specifically, we examined English (20) and German (21) L2 learners of Swedish and native Swedish speakers (16) and their online neurophysiological processing and offline appropriateness ratings of three Swedish placement verbs obligatory for placement supported from below: sätta "set," ställa "stand," and lägga "lay." The learners' L1s differed from Swedish in that their placement verbs either shared or did not share semantic characteristics with the target language. English has a general placement verb put, whereas German has specific verbs similar but not identical to Swedish, stellen "set/stand" and legen "lay." Event-related potentials (ERPs) were recorded while participants watched still frames (images) of objects being placed on a table and listened to sentences describing the event with verbs that either matched the image or not. Participants also performed an offline appropriateness rating task. Both tasks suggested CLI. English learners' appropriateness ratings of atypical verb use differed from those of both native Swedish speakers' and German learners, with no difference in the latter pair. Similarly, German learners' ERP effects were more similar to those of the native Swedish speakers (increased lateral negativity to atypical verb use) than to those of the English learners (increased positivity to atypical verb use). The results of this explorative study thus suggest CLI both offline and online with similarity between L1 and L2 indicating more similar processing and judgments, in line with previous production findings, but in contrast to previous ERP work on semantic L2 processing.

Passive Voice Comprehension during Thematic-Role Assignment in Russian-Speaking Children Aged 4-6 Is Reflected in the Sensitivity of ERP to Noun Inflections

Children tend to rely on semantics rather than syntax during sentence comprehension. In transitive sentences, with no reliance on semantics, the syntax-based strategy becomes critical. We aimed to describe developmental changes of brain mechanisms for syntax processing in typically developing (TD) four to six year old’s. A specially designed sentence-picture matching task using active (AV) and passive (PV) voice enforced children to use grammar cues for sentence comprehension. Fifty children with above >60% level of accuracy in PV sentences comprehension demonstrated brain sensitivity to voice grammar markers-inflections of the second noun phrase (NP2), which was expressed in a greater event-related potentials (ERP) amplitude to PV vs. AV sentences in four-, five-, and six-year-old children. The biphasic positive-negative component at 200−400 ms was registered in the frontocentral and bilateral temporoparietal areas. Only in six-year-old children P600 was registered in the right temporoparietal area. LAN-like negativity seems to be a mechanism for distinguishing AV from PV in the early stages of mastering syntax processing of transitive sentences in four to five year old children. Both behavioral and ERP results distinguished six-year-olds from four-year-old’s and five-year-old’s, reflecting the possible transition to the “adult-like” syntax-based thematic role assignment.

Lateralization as a symphony: Joint influence of interhemispheric inhibition and transmission on brain asymmetry and syntactic processing

This study investigated the roles of cross-hemispheric communications in promoting left-lateralized syntactic processing in the brain. Fifty-six young right-handers without familial sinistrality background underwent a divided visual field ERP grammaticality judgment experiment to assess syntactic processing in each hemisphere. Two behavioral tasks -the bilateral flanker task and bilateral word matching task, were used to assess cross-hemispheric inhibition and transmission. Grand average ERP data showed a significant P600 grammaticality effect in the left hemisphere (LH) only; however, individual variations in the P600 responses were observed in both hemispheres. Results of correlational analyses showed that larger LH P600 effects were associated with slower inter-hemispheric transmissions; smaller right hemisphere (RH) P600 effects were associated with more effective RH inhibition. These results yielded support for both the callosal distance hypothesis and the inhibition hypothesis for language lateralization and demonstrated that different aspects of cross-hemispheric communications jointly influence the degree of syntactic lateralization.

Musical and linguistic syntactic processing in agrammatic aphasia: An ERP study

Language and music rely on complex sequences organized according to syntactic principles that are implicitly understood by enculturated listeners. Across both domains, syntactic processing involves predicting and integrating incoming elements into higher-order structures. According to the Shared Syntactic Integration Resource Hypothesis (SSIRH; Patel, 2003), musical and linguistic syntactic processing rely on shared resources for integrating incoming elements (e.g., chords, words) into unfolding sequences. One prediction of the SSIRH is that people with agrammatic aphasia (whose deficits are due to syntactic integration problems) should present with deficits in processing musical syntax. We report the first neural study to test this prediction: event-related potentials (ERPs) were measured in response to musical and linguistic syntactic violations in a group of people with agrammatic aphasia (n=7) compared to a group of healthy controls (n=14) using an acceptability judgement task. The groups were matched with respect to age, education, and extent of musical training. Violations were based on morpho-syntactic relations in sentences and harmonic relations in chord sequences. Both groups presented with a significant P600 response to syntactic violations across both domains. The aphasic participants presented with a reduced-amplitude posterior P600 compared to the healthy adults in response to linguistic, but not musical, violations. Participants with aphasia did however present with larger frontal positivities in response to violations in both domains. Intriguingly, extent of musical training was associated with larger posterior P600 responses to syntactic violations of language and music in both groups. Overall, these findings are not consistent with the predictions of the SSIRH, and instead suggest that linguistic, but not musical, syntactic processing may be selectively impaired in stroke-induced agrammatic aphasia. However, the findings also suggest a relationship between musical training and linguistic syntactic processing, which may have clinical implications for people with aphasia, and motivates more research on the relationship between these two domains.

Native Word Order Processing Is Not Uniform: An ERP Study of Verb-Second Word Order

Studies of native syntactic processing often target phrase structure violations that do not occur in natural production. In contrast, this study examines how variation in basic word order is processed, looking specifically at structures traditionally labelled as violations but that do occur naturally. We examined Swedish verb-second (V2) and verb-third (V3) word order processing in adult native Swedish speakers, manipulating sentence-initial adverbials (temporal idag ‘today’, spatial hemma ‘at home’ and sentential kanske ‘maybe’) in acceptability judgements, in simultaneously recorded event-related potentials (ERP) to visually presented sentences and in a written sentence completion task. An initial corpus study showed that the adverbials differ in frequency in fronted position (idag > kanske > hemma), and although all occur mainly with V2 word order, kanske occurs more frequently with V3 in natural production than both idag and hemma. The experimental results reflected these patterns such that V2 sentences were overall more frequently produced and were deemed more acceptable than V3 sentences. The ERP results consisted of a biphasic N400/P600 response to V3 word order that indicated effects of word retrieval and sentence reanalysis. We also found consistent effects of adverbials. As predicted, V3 was produced more frequently and judged as more acceptable in Kanske sentences than in sentences with the other two adverbials. The ERP analyses showed stronger effects for idag and hemma with V3, especially regarding the P600. The results suggest that the naturally occurring word order ‘violation’, V3 with kanske, is processed differently than V3 with other adverbials where the V2 norm is stronger. Moreover, these patterns are related to individuals’ own production patterns. Overall, the results suggest a more varied native word order processing than previously reported.

The relationship between acoustic and musical pitch processing in adolescents

Amusia is defined as a difficulty processing the tonal pitch structure of music such that an individual cannot tell the difference between notes that are in-key and out-of-key. A fine-grained pitch discrimination deficit is often observed in people with amusia. It is possible that an intervention, early in development, could mitigate amusia; however, one challenge identifying amusia early in development is that identifying in- and out-of-key notes is a meta-cognitive task. Given the common co-occurrence of difficulties with pitch discrimination, it would be easier to identify amusia in developing children by using a pitch change detection task. The goal of this study was to explore the behavioural and neurophysiological profiles of adolescents with poor pitch processing (Poor PP) abilities compared to those with normal pitch processing (Normal PP) abilities. Neurophysiologically, the Poor PPs exhibited a similar event-related potential (ERP) profile to adult amusics during both acoustic and musical pitch discrimination tasks. That is, early ERPs (ERAN, MMN) were similar in Poor PPs compared to Normal PPs, while late positivities (P300, P600) were absent in Poor PPs, but present in Normal PPs. At the same time behavioural data revealed a double dissociation between the abilities to detect a pitch deviant in acoustic and musical context, suggesting that about a third of the children would be missed by selecting a fine-grained acoustic pitch discrimination task to identify the presence of amusia in early childhood.

Different Neural Responses for Unfinished Sentence as a Conventional Indirect Refusal Between Native and Non-native Speakers: An Event-Related Potential Study

Refusal is considered a face-threatening act (FTA), since it contradicts the inviter’s expectations. In the case of Japanese, native speakers (NS) are known to prefer to leave sentences unfinished for a conventional indirect refusal. Successful comprehension of this indirect refusal depends on whether the addressee is fully conventionalized to the preference for syntactic unfinishedness so that they can identify the true intention of the refusal. Then, non-native speakers (NNS) who are not fully accustomed to the convention may be confused by the indirect style. In the present study, we used event-related potentials (ERPs) of electroencephalography in an attempt to differentiate the neural substrates for perceiving unfinished sentences in a conventionalized indirect refusal as an FTA between NS and NNS, in terms of the unfinishedness and indirectness of the critical sentence. In addition, we examined the effects of individual differences in mentalization, or the theory of mind, which refers to the ability to infer the mental states of others. We found several different ERP effects for these refusals between NS and NNS. NNS induced stronger P600 effects for the unfinishedness of the refusal sentences, suggesting their perceived syntactic anomaly. This was not evoked in NS. NNS also revealed the effects of N400 and P300 for the indirectness of refusal sentences, which can be interpreted as their increased processing load for pragmatic processing in the inexperienced contextual flow. We further found that the NNS’s individual mentalizing ability correlates with the effect of N400 mentioned above, indicating that lower mentalizers evoke higher N400 for indirect refusal. NS, on the contrary, did not yield these effects reflecting the increased pragmatic processing load. Instead, they evoked earlier ERPs of early posterior negativity (EPN) and P200, both of which are known as indices of emotional processing, for finished sentences of refusal than for unfinished ones. We interpreted these effects as a NS’s dispreference for finished sentences to realize an FTA, given that unfinished sentences are considered more polite and more conventionalized in Japanese social encounters. Overall, these findings provide evidence that a syntactic anomaly inherent in a cultural convention as well as individual mentalizing ability plays an important role in understanding an indirect speech act of face-threatening refusal.

An Event-Related Potentials Study on the Syntactic Transfer Effect of Late Language Learners

This study explored the syntactic transfer effect of the non-local subject-verb agreement structure with plural head noun after two intensive phases of input training with event-related potentials (ERP). The non-local subject-verb agreement stimuli with the plural head nouns, which never appeared in training phases, were used for the stimuli. A total of 26 late L1-Chinese L2-English learners, who began to learn English after a critical period and participated in our previous experiments, were asked back to take part in this syntactic transfer experiment. Results indicated that a significant ERP component P600 occurred in the key region (the verb) of the sentences with syntactic violations in the experimental group, but none occurred in the control group. This demonstrated that there was a significant transfer effect of the input training. The possible theoretical explanation was provided and also the malleability of the late L2 learners was discussed.

Semantic and Syntactic Processing During Comprehension: ERP Evidence From Chinese QING Structure

Previous studies used BA and BEI structures as stimuli to infer that syntax-first models seemed not applicable in Chinese. However, there were inconsistent results of both within same structures and between different structures. Since sentence structures of stimuli were non-canonical as well as lacking wide representativeness in Chinese, we examined the processing mechanism of a more representative structure in Chinese, QING (QING + NP₁ + V + NP₂) structure in the current study. Four conditions, including correct sentences (CORRECT), semantic-violated sentences (SEMANTIC), syntactic-violated sentences (SYNTACTIC), and combined violated sentences (COMBINED), were composed by manipulating the V between NP₁ and NP₂. Results with respect to three types of violation were as follows. In the initial phrase (100–300 ms), there existed an interaction between SEMANTIC consistency and the SYNTACTIC category. In the intermediate phrase (300–500 ms), the interaction continued with similar negative waves evoked by three types of violated sentences. In the final phrase (500–700 ms), both SYNTACTIC or COMBINED evoked obvious negative waves. The current research of Qing structure provided new evidence for the processing mechanism of Chinese sentence patterns. Specifically, we found that the interactive model rather than the syntax-first model may apply to the processing of this specific structure of Chinese sentences and compared the results with those reported in previous studies that examined other types of sentence structures.

The resolution stage, not the incongruity detection stage, is related to the subjective feeling of humor: An ERP study using Japanese nazokake puns

This study examined the relationship between two cognitive stages of humor processing (i.e., detecting incongruity and resolving it) and the subjective feeling of humor, using event-related brain potentials (ERPs). Unlike traditional English jokes, Japanese nazokake puns have a structure in which the detection of incongruity and the resolution of it are separated, which enabled this study to observe the ERPs for these two stages independently. In addition, to investigate how the cognitive stages work when people subjectively find a pun funny, the ERPs elicited by funny and unfunny puns, categorized according to participants' subjective ratings, were compared. This subjective feeling has not received enough attention in previous literature. The results showed that N400 and P600 responses occurred during the incongruity detection stage and the resolution stage, respectively. Furthermore, funny puns enlarged the P600 amplitude compared to unfunny ones, but the N400 amplitude did not significantly differ between the funniness categories. These findings indicate that the resolution stage of humor processing is related to the subjective feeling of humor, rather than the incongruity detection stage.

First Event-Related Potentials Evidence of Auditory Morphosyntactic Processing in a Subject-Object-Verb Nominative-Accusative Language (Farsi)

While most studies on neural signals of online language processing have focused on a few-usually western-subject-verb-object (SVO) languages, corresponding knowledge on subject-object-verb (SOV) languages is scarce. Here we studied Farsi, a language with canonical SOV word order. Because we were interested in the consequences of second-language acquisition, we compared monolingual native Farsi speakers and equally proficient bilinguals who had learned Farsi only after entering primary school. We analyzed event-related potentials (ERPs) to correct and morphosyntactically incorrect sentence-final syllables in a sentence correctness judgment task. Incorrect syllables elicited a late posterior positivity at 500-700 ms after the final syllable, resembling the P600 component, as previously observed for syntactic violations at sentence-middle positions in SVO languages. There was no sign of a left anterior negativity (LAN) preceding the P600. Additionally, we provide evidence for a real-time discrimination of phonological categories associated with morphosyntactic manipulations (between 35 and 135 ms), manifesting the instantaneous neural response to unexpected perturbations. The L2 Farsi speakers were indistinguishable from L1 speakers in terms of performance and neural signals of syntactic violations, indicating that exposure to a second language at school entry may results in native-like performance and neural correlates. In nonnative (but not native) speakers verbal working memory capacity correlated with the late posterior positivity and performance accuracy. Hence, this first ERP study of morphosyntactic violations in a spoken SOV nominative-accusative language demonstrates ERP effects in response to morphosyntactic violations and the involvement of executive functions in non-native speakers in computations of subject-verb agreement.

The electrophysiology of aphasia: A scoping review

OBJECTIVE

To systematically assess the body of literature using N400 and P600 as they relate to people with aphasia. The primary aim was to reveal patterns in the literature which could be used to direct future research in the development of clinically relevant Event-Related Potentials (ERPs) for language assessment, while also identifying gaps in existing knowledge and highlight areas of further inquiry.

METHODS

A literature search was performed on studies published before May 2021. Relevant studies on aphasia and the two ERPs of interest were assessed for quality, and the relationship between aphasia and these ERPs was explored.

RESULTS

A total of 721 articles were identified, with 30 meeting inclusion criteria. Although there is significant variation in the literature, this scoping review revealed people with aphasia show reduced amplitude, delayed latency and different distribution compared to controls, and that ERPs are modulated by severity of aphasia.

CONCLUSIONS

To develop a relevant clinical tool for the management of aphasia, future research must strive to improve consistency within ERP methodology, with a greater number of diverse aphasia subtypes included in research.

SIGNIFICANCE

This scoping review reveals N400 and P600 represent promising potential biomarkers for the diagnosis and ongoing management of aphasia.

Who speaks next? Adaptations to speaker identity in processing spoken sentences

When listening to a speaker, we need to adapt to her individual speaking characteristics, such as error proneness, accent, etc. The present study investigated two aspects of adaptation to speaker identity during processing spoken sentences in multi-speaker situations: the effect of speaker sequence across sentences and the effect of learning speaker-specific error probability. Spoken sentences were presented, cued, and accompanied by one of three portraits that were labeled as the speakers' faces. In Block 1 speaker-specific probabilities of syntax errors were 10%, 50%, or 90%; in Block 2 they were uniformly 50%. In both blocks, speech errors elicited P600 effects in the scalp recorded ERP. We found a speaker sequence effect only in Block 1: the P600 to target words was larger after speaker switches than after speaker repetitions, independent of sentence correctness. In Block 1, listeners showed higher accuracy in judging sentence correctness spoken by speakers with lower error proportions. No speaker-specific differences in target word P600 and accuracy were found in Block 2. When speakers differ in error proneness, listeners seem to flexibly adapt their speech processing for the upcoming sentence through attention reorientation and resource reallocation if the speaker is about to change, and through proactive maintenance of neural resources if the speaker remains the same.

An ERP Study on Attraction Effects in Advanced L2 Learners

In English, the rule of agreement is quite simple: verbs must agree with their subject head nouns in terms of number features. Despite this simplicity, agreement processing is always interrupted when the subject phrase of the sentence "The key to the cabinets is on the table," contains two nouns with a mismatch in number features commonly known as attraction effects. This study used event-related potentials (ERPs) to examine whether late advanced second language (L2) learners can acquire native-like sensitivity of attraction effects. The results revealed that L2 learners showed ERP patterns qualitatively similar to native English speakers: ungrammatical verbs following singular attractors elicited a P600 effect relative to their grammatical counterparts, whereas this positivity was replaced by an N400 effect when plural attractors intervened between the subject head nouns and the verbs. Of particular interest, given that, compared to native speakers, the amplitude of the P600 effect elicited by L2 learners was smaller, there was a quantitative difference between native speakers and L2 learners. We proposed that these two ERP components represented the two processing routes of agreement: the P600 effect indexed a full, combinatorial process, which parsed morphosyntactic features between agreement controllers and targets, whereas the N400 effect indexed a shallow, heuristic process, which evaluated lexical associations between agreeing elements. Moreover, similar to native speakers, advanced L2 learners showed an asymmetrical pattern of attraction effects, in that plural attractors were interfered with ungrammaticality at disagreeing verbs, but they did not cause any difficulties in processing grammatical sentences at agreeing verbs. The overall results suggested that compared to native processing, L2 processing of complex agreement with attractor interference was shallower and therefore late advanced L2 learners could not achieve native-like attraction effects.

Functional Role of the N400 and P600 in Language-Related ERP Studies with Respect to Semantic Anomalies: An Overview

In this study, the language-related ERP studies relevant to the functional role of the N400 and P600 in semantically anomalous sentences and the underlying reasons which may affect their functions were reviewed. Since their discovery, the N400 and P600 have been the most important language-related ERP components. The N400 has been mostly elicited as a result of processing sentences with lexical and semantic anomalies, but later on, in many studies instead of the expected lexical-semantic N400 effect, semantic anomalies elicited a P600 effect called semantic P600. However, the functional interpretation of these two ERP components has constantly been a matter of debate. Perhaps most notably, it is proposed that it is not just the N400 which is related to semantic anomalies but the P600 can also be reflected as a result of these kinds of anomalies. Reviewing the literature for explaining the functions of the two ERP components, the N400 and the P600, during the processing of semantic anomalies revealed that still there is a need for more research on language processing in order to make the researchers capable of describing the underlying factors influencing them, especially more focused investigations of the functional-anatomical and neurocomputational models may provide a clearer understanding of them. Moreover, any practical theory or model of the N400 and the P600 in language comprehension needs to consider the apparent inconsistencies in the elicitation pattern of the N400 and the P600 in order to successfully capture the full data spectrum.

When politeness processing encounters failed syntactic/semantic processing

Previous studies have elucidated the neural mechanism of syntactic/semantic processing and pragmatic processing. However, the exact mechanisms by which these two aspects of processing interact during language comprehension remain unknown. In this event-related brain potential study, we examined the interaction between politeness processing and local syntactic/semantic processing of a phrase. We used a full factorial design that crossed politeness consistency with local syntactic/semantic coherence. Politeness violations elicited a P200 effect in the 190-320 ms range, centro-parietally distributed positivity in the 360-866 ms range, and pure local syntactic/semantic violation elicited a broad distributed positivity in the 362-868 ms range. Crucially, we found that event-related potential responses elicited by combined politeness and syntactic/semantic violations resemble those elicited by separate syntactic/semantic violations. These results indicated that local syntactic/semantic processing has a functional primacy over politeness processing. Furthermore, our results support the blocking hypothesis from a politeness processing perspective instead of the independent hypothesis.

An ERP study of hemispheric differences in perceptual representations of language reveals meaning attribution in the right hemisphere and constituents of the N400-effect

Recent findings have revealed that the right hemisphere (RH) is uniquely involved in integrating perceptual information from linguistic input to simulate a mental model of that input. We extend on these findings by testing whether meaning is generated from such models. Participants (N = 37) heard auditory passages describing the visuospatial arrangement of elements into a perceptual representation of a familiar object, then judged whether a laterally-presented target word matched the object. We found a central N400-effect for left visual-field targets, suggesting that meaning was also accessible to the RH. There was no statistical difference for right visual-field targets. Principle component analysis of the data revealed that the N400-effect was driven by positive components. Consequently, the results suggest that i) RH contributions to language comprehension include integrative and perceptual processes that enable overall meaning to be generated from representations of discourse, and ii) positive ERP components may produce N400-effects.

Endogenous Oscillations Time-Constrain Linguistic Segmentation: Cycling the Garden Path

Speech is transient. To comprehend entire sentences, segments consisting of multiple words need to be memorized for at least a while. However, it has been noted previously that we struggle to memorize segments longer than approximately 2.7 s. We hypothesized that electrophysiological processing cycles within the delta band (<4 Hz) underlie this time constraint. Participants’ EEG was recorded while they listened to temporarily ambiguous sentences. By manipulating the speech rate, we aimed at biasing participants’ interpretation: At a slow rate, segmentation after 2.7 s would trigger a correct interpretation. In contrast, at a fast rate, segmentation after 2.7 s would trigger a wrong interpretation and thus an error later in the sentence. In line with the suggested time constraint, the phase of the delta-band oscillation at the critical point in the sentence mirrored segmentation on the level of single trials, as indicated by the amplitude of the P600 event-related brain potential (ERP) later in the sentence. The correlation between upstream delta-band phase and downstream P600 amplitude implies that segmentation took place when an underlying neural oscillator had reached a specific angle within its cycle, determining comprehension. We conclude that delta-band oscillations set an endogenous time constraint on segmentation.

Are our brains more prescriptive than our mouths? Experience with dialectal variation in syntax differentially impacts ERPs and behavior

We investigated online auditory comprehension of dialectal variation in English syntax with event-related potential (ERP) analysis of electroencephalographic data. The syntactic variant under investigation was the double modal, comprising two consecutive auxiliary verbs (e.g., might could). This construction appears across subregional dialects of Southern United States English and expresses indirectness or uncertainty. We compared processing of sentences with attested double modals and single modals in two groups of young adult participants: listeners who were either familiar (Southern) or unfamiliar (Unmarked) with double modal constructions. Both Southern and Unmarked listeners engaged rapid error detection (early anterior negativity) and sentence-level reanalysis (P600) in response to attested double modals, relative to single modals. Offline acceptability and intelligibility judgments reflected dialect familiarity, contrary to the ERP data. We interpret these findings in relation to usage-based and socially weighted theories of language processing, which together capture the effects of frequency and standard language ideology.

Neurophysiological basis of the N400 deflection, from Mismatch Negativity to Semantic Prediction Potentials and late positive components

The first theoretical model on the neurophysiological basis of the N400: the deflection reflects layer I dendritic plateaus on a preparatory state of synaptic integration that precedes layer V somatic burst firing for conscious identification of the higher-order features of the stimulus (a late positive shift). Plateaus ensue from apical disinhibition by vasoactive intestinal polypeptide-positive interneurons (VIPs) through suppression of Martinotti cells, opening the gates for glutamatergic feedback to trigger dendritic regenerative potentials. Cholinergic transients contribute to these dynamics directly, holding a central role in the N400 deflection. The stereotypical timing of the (frontal) glutamatergic feedback and the accompanying cholinergic transients account for the enigmatic "invariability" of the peak latency in the face of a gamut of different stimuli and paradigms. The theoretical postulations presented here may bring about unprecedented level of detail for the N400 deflection to be used in the study of schizophrenia, Alzheimer's disease and other higher-order pathologies. The substrates of a late positive component, the Mismatch Negativity and the Semantic Prediction Potentials are also surveyed.

When components collide: Spatiotemporal overlap of the N400 and P600 in language comprehension

The problem of spatiotemporal overlap between event-related potential (ERP) components is generally acknowledged in language research. However, its implications for the interpretation of experimental results are often overlooked. In a previous experiment on the functional interpretation of the N400 and P600, it was argued that a P600 effect to implausible words was largely obscured - in one of two implausible conditions - by an overlapping N400 effect of semantic association. In the present ERP study, we show that the P600 effect of implausibility is uncovered when the critical condition is tested against a proper baseline condition which elicits a similar N400 amplitude, while it is obscured when tested against a baseline condition producing an N400 effect. Our findings reveal that component overlap can result in the apparent absence or presence of an effect in the surface signal and should therefore be carefully considered when interpreting ERP patterns. Importantly, we show that, by factoring in the effects of spatiotemporal overlap between the N400 and P600 on the surface signal, which we reveal using rERP analysis, apparent inconsistencies in previous findings are easily reconciled, enabling us to draw unambiguous conclusions about the functional interpretation of the N400 and P600 components. Overall, our results provide compelling evidence that the N400 reflects lexical retrieval processes, while the P600 indexes compositional integration of word meaning into the unfolding utterance interpretation.

State anxiety influences P300 and P600 event-related potentials over parietal regions in the hollow-mask illusion experiment

The hollow-mask illusion is an optical illusion where a concave face is perceived as convex. It has been demonstrated that individuals with schizophrenia and anxiety are less susceptible to the illusion than controls. Previous research has shown that the P300 and P600 event-related potentials (ERPs) are affected in individuals with schizophrenia. Here, we examined whether individual differences in neuroticism and anxiety scores, traits that have been suggested to be risk factors for schizophrenia and anxiety disorders, affect ERPs of healthy participants while they view concave faces. Our results confirm that the participants were susceptible to the illusion, misperceiving concave faces as convex. We additionally demonstrate significant interactions of the concave condition with state anxiety in central and parietal electrodes for P300 and parietal areas for P600, but not with neuroticism and trait anxiety. The state anxiety interactions were driven by low-state anxiety participants showing lower amplitudes for concave faces compared to convex. The P300 and P600 amplitudes were smaller when a concave face activated a convex face memory representation, since the stimulus did not match the active representation. The opposite pattern was evident in high-state anxiety participants in regard to state anxiety interaction and the hollow-mask illusion, demonstrating larger P300 and P600 amplitudes to concave faces suggesting impaired late information processing in this group. This could be explained by impaired allocation of attentional resources in high-state anxiety leading to hyperarousal to concave faces that are unexpected mismatches to standard memory representations, as opposed to expected convex faces.

From pre-activation to pre-updating: A threshold mechanism for commitment to strong predictions

Ample evidence suggests that during sentence processing comprehenders can "pre-activate" lexical/semantic knowledge stored in long-term memory. A relatively recent development suggests that in some cases a stronger form of prediction is employed, involving "pre-updating" the predicted content into the sentence's representation being built in working memory. The current study argues for an activation threshold mechanism by which pre-updating is initiated, within the routine processing stages of a word in a context. By combining a speeded cloze task with event-related potentials, we were able to analyze electrophysiological data measured prior to when participants were prompted to produce a completion, based on the participant's cloze response, reflecting their strongest prediction at that specific moment in time. A P600 effect reflecting pre-updating was observed in high (relative to low) constraint sentences, even in trials where the participant predicted a low cloze word. The results support a mechanism in which multiple predictions accumulate activations, "racing" toward a retrieval threshold. Once the activation level of a certain word passes the threshold, the word is integrated into the sentence representation in working memory. Pre-updating occurs if a certain prediction passes the retrieval threshold prior to its realization in the input.

Sequential adaptation effects reveal proactive control in processing spoken sentences: Evidence from event-related potentials

How domain-general cognitive control is engaged in language processing remains debated. We address how linguistic processes are monitored and regulated by analyzing the effects of previous-trial sentence correctness on the P600 component of the event-related potential (ERP) in the current-trial. In data from a previous experiment about processing spoken sentences, P600 amplitudes to both correct and incorrect words in current sentences were smaller after incorrect as compared to correct previous sentences. Therefore, the detection of speech errors may initiate sustained proactive control over the monitoring demands for upcoming sentences. No sequential adaptation was found in the difference between P600 amplitudes to incorrect and correct current conditions. We propose that the P600 reflects the reactive reanalysis of speech processing and/or the resolution of linguistic conflicts, but is also sensitive to proactive speech monitoring, an important aspect of cognitive control.

The role of crosslinguistic differences in second language anticipatory processing: An event-related potentials study

The present study uses event-related potentials to investigate how crosslinguistic (dis)similarities modulate anticipatory processing in the second language (L2). Participants read predictive stories in English that made a genitive construction consisting of a third-person singular possessive pronoun and a kinship noun (e.g., his mother) likely in an upcoming continuation. The possessive pronoun's form depended on the antecedent's natural gender, which had been previously established in the stories. The continuation included either the expected genitive construction or an unexpected one with a possessive pronoun of the opposite gender. We manipulated crosslinguistic (dis)similarity by comparing advanced English learners with either Swedish or Spanish as their L1. While Swedish has equivalent possessive pronouns that mark the antecedent's natural gender (i.e., hans/hennes "his/her"), Spanish does not. In fact, Spanish possessive pronouns mark the syntactic features (number, gender) of the possessed noun (e.g., nosotros queremos a nuestra madre "we-_MASC love our-_FEM mother-_FEM). Twenty-four native speakers of English elicited an N400 effect for prenominal possessives that were unexpected based on the possessor noun's natural gender, consistent with the possibility that they activated the pronoun's form or its semantic features (natural gender). Thirty-two Swedish-speaking learners yielded a qualitatively and quantitatively native-like N400 for unexpected prenominal possessives. In contrast, twenty-five Spanish-speaking learners showed a P600 effect for unexpected possessives, consistent with the possibility that they experienced difficulty integrating a pronoun that mismatched the expected gender. Results suggest that differences with respect to the features encoded in the activated representation result in different predictive mechanisms among adult L2 learners.

Neurobehavioral Correlates of Surprisal in Language Comprehension: A Neurocomputational Model

Expectation-based theories of language comprehension, in particular Surprisal Theory, go a long way in accounting for the behavioral correlates of word-by-word processing difficulty, such as reading times. An open question, however, is in which component(s) of the Event-Related brain Potential (ERP) signal Surprisal is reflected, and how these electrophysiological correlates relate to behavioral processing indices. Here, we address this question by instantiating an explicit neurocomputational model of incremental, word-by-word language comprehension that produces estimates of the N400 and the P600-the two most salient ERP components for language processing-as well as estimates of "comprehension-centric" Surprisal for each word in a sentence. We derive model predictions for a recent experimental design that directly investigates "world-knowledge"-induced Surprisal. By relating these predictions to both empirical electrophysiological and behavioral results, we establish a close link between Surprisal, as indexed by reading times, and the P600 component of the ERP signal. The resultant model thus offers an integrated neurobehavioral account of processing difficulty in language comprehension.

EEG Correlates of Long-Distance Dependency Formation in Mandarin Wh-Questions

Event-related potential components are sensitive to the processes underlying how questions are understood. We use so-called “covert” wh-questions in Mandarin to probe how such components generalize across different kinds of constructions. This study shows that covert Mandarin wh-questions do not elicit anterior negativities associated with memory maintenance, even when such a dependency is unambiguously cued. N = 37 native speakers of Mandarin Chinese read Chinese questions and declarative sentences word-by-word during EEG recording. In contrast to prior studies, no sustained anterior negativity (SAN) was observed between the cue word, such as the question-embedding verb “wonder,” and the in-situ wh-filler. SANs have been linked with working memory maintenance, suggesting that grammatical features may not impose the same maintenance demands as the content words used in prior work.

Brain potentials reveal differential processing of masculine and feminine grammatical gender in native Spanish speakers

Studies of Spanish grammatical gender have shown that native speakers exploit gender cues in determiners to facilitate speech processing and are sensitive to gender mismatches. However, past research has not considered attested distributional asymmetries between masculine and feminine gender, collapsing performance on trials with one or the other gender into a single analysis. We use event-related potentials to investigate whether masculine and feminine grammatical gender elicit qualitatively different brain responses. Forty monolingual Spanish speakers read sentences that were well-formed or contained determiner-noun gender violations. Half of the nouns were masculine and the other half were feminine. Consistent with previous research, brain responses varied along a continuum between LAN- and P600-dominant effects for both gender categories. However, results showed that individuals' ERP response dominance (LAN/P600) systematically differed across the two genders: participants who showed a LAN-dominant response to masculine-noun violations were more likely to show a P600 effect in response to feminine-noun violations. Correlations with individual difference measures further revealed that responses to masculine-noun violations were modulated by performance on the AX-CPT, a measure of cognitive control, whereas responses to feminine-noun violations were modulated by lexical knowledge, as indexed by verbal fluency. Together, the results demonstrate that even when processing features of language that belong to the same "natural class," native speakers can exhibit patterns of brain activity attuned to distributional patterns of language use. The inherent variability in native speaker processing is, therefore, an important factor when explaining purported deviations from the "native norm" reported in other types of populations.

Electrical brain activity and facial electromyography responses to irony in dysphoric and non-dysphoric participants

We studied irony comprehension and emotional reactions to irony in dysphoric and control participants. Electroencephalography (EEG) and facial electromyography (EMG) were measured when spoken conversations were presented with pictures that provided either congruent (non-ironic) or incongruent (ironic) contexts. In a separate session, participants evaluated the congruency and valence of the stimuli. While both groups rated ironic stimuli funnier than non-ironic stimuli, the control group rated all the stimuli funnier than the dysphoric group. N400-like activity, P600, and EMG activity indicating smiling were larger after the ironic stimuli than the non-ironic stimuli for both groups. Further, in the dysphoric group the irony modulation was evident in the electrode cluster over the right hemisphere, while no such difference in lateralization was observed in the control group. The results suggest a depression-related alteration in the P600 response associated to irony comprehension, but no alterations were found in emotional reactivity specifically related to irony.

Morpheme Analysis Associated with German Noun Plural Endings among Second Language (L2) Learners Using Event-Related Potentials (ERPs)

This paper aims to examine the morpho-syntactic process of noun plural endings, “-n” and “-s”, in adult second language (L2) learners using event-related potentials (ERPs). German noun plural endings consist of many inflectional forms. They are one of the difficulties faced by German L2 learners. We recorded an electroencephalogram (EEG) study of German L2 learners by dividing study subjects into low and high L2 learners according to the learning level. We examined what ERP components were associated with L2 language processing. All participants were Korean German L2 learners who had achieved varying levels of proficiency. As a result of our analysis, we confirmed different morpho-syntactic processing between the two groups. First, N400 was detected at any learning level. It confirmed language processing supportive of the Full-Listing Model for irregular endings. Second, we confirmed left anterior negativity (LAN), as detected in both low and high proficiency L2 learners. LAN is supportive of a Full-Parsing Model for regular endings, as it was detected in both low and high proficiency L2 learners. However, P600 was detected in highly proficient L2 learners only. It implies that high proficiency learners differ from low proficiency L2 learners. P600 is processed in a reparsing process after recognition of grammatical errors. Based on this result, more active use of a Dual Mechanism Model is possible as learning levels improve. It confirms that improvement in L2 learners results in an approach to cognitive processing similar to that of German first language (L1) speakers.

Semantic P600-but not N400-effects index crosslinguistic variability in speakers' expectancies for expression of motion

The expression of motion shows strong crosslinguistic variability; however, less is known about speakers' expectancies for lexicalizations of motion at the neural level. We examined event-related brain potentials (ERPs) in native English or Spanish speakers while they read grammatical sentences describing animations involving manner and path components of motion that did or did not violate language-specific patterns of expression. ERPs demonstrated different expectancies between speakers: Spanish speakers showed higher expectancies for motion verbs to encode path and English speakers showed higher expectancies for motion verbs to encode manner followed by a secondary path expression. Interestingly, grammatical but infrequent motion expressions (manner verbs in Spanish, path verbs and secondary manner expressions in English) elicited semantic P600 rather than the expected N400 effects-with or without post-N400 positivities-that are typically associated with semantic processing. Overall, our findings provide the first empirical evidence for the effect of crosslinguistic variation in processing motion event descriptions at the neural level.

Splitting event-related potentials: Modeling latent components using regression-based waveform estimation

Event-related potentials (ERPs) provide a multidimensional and real-time window into neurocognitive processing. The typical Waveform-based Component Structure (WCS) approach to ERPs assesses the modulation pattern of components-systematic, reoccurring voltage fluctuations reflecting specific computational operations-by looking at mean amplitude in predetermined time-windows. This WCS approach, however, often leads to inconsistent results within as well as across studies. It has been argued that at least some inconsistencies may be reconciled by considering spatiotemporal overlap between components; that is, components may overlap in both space and time, and given their additive nature, this means that the WCS may fail to accurately represent its underlying latent component structure (LCS). We employ regression-based ERP (rERP) estimation to extend traditional approaches with an additional layer of analysis, which enables the explicit modeling of the LCS underlying WCS. To demonstrate its utility, we incrementally derive an rERP analysis of a recent study on language comprehension with seemingly inconsistent WCS-derived results. Analysis of the resultant regression models allows one to derive an explanation for the WCS in terms of how relevant regression predictors combine in space and time, and crucially, how individual predictors may be mapped onto unique components in LCS, revealing how these spatiotemporally overlap in the WCS. We conclude that rERP estimation allows for investigating how scalp-recorded voltages derive from the spatiotemporal combination of experimentally manipulated factors. Moreover, when factors can be uniquely mapped onto components, rERPs may offer explanations for seemingly inconsistent ERP waveforms at the level of their underlying latent component structure.

Neural correlates of processing Chinese structural particles: An ERP study

In order to investigate the neural correlates of processing Chinese structural particles, 'De¹ (), De² (), and De³ ()', we recorded and analyzed the ERPs components related to the conflict processing in the judgement task, in which the participants are required to determine whether the target word matched the structural particle that appear in the given structure. We found that compared with the congruent condition, the frontal-central N400 and central-parietal P600 were elicited by the incongruent target word. Especially, three Chinese structural particles, 'De¹ (), De² (), and De³ ()' modulated the amplitudes of N400 and P600 components and the incongruent condition of 'De¹' elicited larger N400 and P600 than did 'De²' and 'De³', but no apparent difference appeared between the latter two structural particles. These data provide new electrophysiological evidence for processing Chinese structural particles.

Metaphor Is Between Metonymy and Homonymy: Evidence From Event-Related Potentials

The goal of the present study was to investigate the interaction between different senses of polysemous nouns (metonymies and metaphors) and different meanings of homonyms using the method of event-related potentials (ERPs) and a priming paradigm. Participants read two-word phrases containing ambiguous words and made a sensicality judgment. Phrases with polysemes highlighted their literal sense and were preceded by primes with either the same or different – metonymic or metaphorical – sense. Similarly, phrases with homonyms were primed by phrases with a consistent or inconsistent meaning of the noun. The results demonstrated that polysemous phrases with literal senses preceded by metonymic primes did not differ in ERP responses from the control condition with the same literal primes. In contrast, processing phrases with the literal sense preceded by metaphorical primes resulted in N400 and P600 effects that might reflect a very limited priming effect. The priming effect observed between metonymic and literal senses supports the idea that these senses share a single representation in the mental lexicon. In contrast, the effects observed for polysemes with metaphorical primes characterize lexical access to the word’s target sense and competition between the two word senses. The processing of homonyms preceded by the prime with an inconsistent meaning, although it did not elicit an N400 effect, was accompanied by a P600 effect as compared to the control condition with a consistent meaning of the prime. We suppose that the absence of the N400 effect may result from inhibition of the target meaning by the inconsistent prime, whereas the P600 response might reflect processes of reanalysis, activation, and integration of the target meaning. Our results provide additional evidence for the difference in processing mechanisms between metonymies and metaphors that might have separate representations in the mental lexicon, although they are more related as compared to homonyms.

Autodidacticism and Music: Do Self-Taught Musicians Exhibit the Same Auditory Processing Advantages as Formally Trained Musicians?

Multiple studies have demonstrated that musicians have enhanced auditory processing abilities compared to non-musicians. In these studies, musicians are usually defined as having received some sort of formal music training. One issue with this definition is that there are many musicians who are self-taught. The goal of the current study was to determine if self-taught musicians exhibit different auditory enhancements as their formally trained counterparts. Three groups of participants were recruited: formally trained musicians, who received formal music training through the conservatory or private lessons; self-taught musicians, who learned to play music through informal methods, such as with books, videos, or by ear; non-musicians, who had little or no music experience. Auditory processing abilities were assessed using a speech-in-noise task, a passive pitch oddball task done while recording electrical brain activity, and a melodic tonal violation task, done both actively and passively while recording electrical brain activity. For the melodic tonal violation task, formally trained musicians were better at detecting a tonal violation compared to self-taught musicians, who were in turn better than non-musicians. The P600 evoked by a tonal violation was enhanced in formally trained musicians compared to non-musicians. The P600 evoked by an out-of-key note did not differ between formally trained and self-taught musicians, while the P600 evoked by an out-of-tune note was smaller in self-taught musicians compared to formally trained musicians. No differences were observed between the groups for the other tasks. This pattern of results suggests that music training format impacts auditory processing abilities in musical tasks; however, it is possible that these differences arose due to pre-existing factors and not due to the training itself.

Reduced right-hemisphere ERP P600 grammaticality effect is associated with greater right-hemisphere inhibition: Evidence from right-handers with familial sinistrality

The present study examined the hypothesis that left hemisphere (LH) equivalent language capabilities in the right hemisphere (RH) are inhibited in neurologically intact individuals by testing healthy young right-handers with a history of familial sinistrality (FS+, i.e. with at least one left handed biological relative), a population documented to show greater variability for RH language processing. Event-Related Potential (ERP) and split visual field presentation techniques were combined to assess LH- and RH- biased responses to syntactic category violations. In addition, a bilateral flanker task was used to measure inter-hemispheric inhibition ability in the same set of participants. Replicating prior findings, in addition to the LH-biased P600 grammaticality effect previously seen for right-handers in general, a fair amount, though not all, of FS + right-handers showed RH-biased P600 responses, leading to a reliable RH P600 grammaticality effect at the group level. Capitalizing on the variability of RH P600 responses, our results further revealed that reduced RH-biased P600 effects were reliably correlated with more effective RH inhibition (indexed by smaller reaction time differences between incongruent and neutral flankers presented to the RH via the left visual field). These results corroborated previous findings that the RH is capable of processing syntactic information in a manner qualitatively similar to that in the LH and further demonstrated that LH-equivalent processing in the RH as indexed by the P600 responses is modulated by RH inhibition, contributing to inter-individual variability in syntactic lateralization.

Set focus and anaphoric reference: An ERP study

This article reports the results from an ERP study on the processing of anaphoric reference to quantifying expressions in Swedish (e.g. Many students attended the lecture and that they were present was noted). Negative quantifiers (e.g. few) differ from positive quantifiers (e.g. many), in allowing anaphoric expressions to target either the ref(erence) set ('students attending the lecture') or the comp(lement) set ('students not attending the lecture'), while positive quantifiers only allow Refset continuations. Results from the present study show that negative quantifiers give rise to an enhanced frontal negativity at the anaphoric pronoun in the negative condition, relative to positive quantifiers. At the critical word disambiguating between a Refset and Compset reading, we found P600 effects for the anomalous relative to the non-anomalous conditions. We interpret the frontal negativity found with negative quantifiers as an indication of referential ambiguity interfering in the processing of anaphoric reference.

The role of semantics and repair processes in article-noun gender disagreement in Italian: An ERP study

In this sentence reading study, we used event-related potentials (ERPs) to investigate the processing mechanism of article-noun gender disagreement in two kinds of nouns in Italian. The first are nouns with syntactic gender (il treno_M 'train'; la sedia_F 'chair') for which the processing and repair of gender disagreement entails only one repair option, namely for the article (morphosyntactic repair). The second kind are nouns with semantic gender (il bambino_M 'boy', la bambina_F 'girl'). Here, there are two options for processing and repairing gender mismatch: repairing the article (morphosyntactic repair) or repairing the noun (both morphosyntactic and semantic repair). Both classes of nouns elicited the LAN, indicating that gender disagreement is always registered at the morphosyntactic level. In addition, the P600 was elicited in both conditions, but was larger for semantic gender, reflecting a more complex repair for this class of nouns.

Semantic reversal anomalies under the microscope: Task and modality influences on language-associated event-related potentials

Semantic reversal anomalies (SRAs)-sentences where an implausibility is created by reversing participant roles-have attracted much attention in the literature on the electrophysiology of language. In spite of being syntactically well formed but semantically implausible, these sentences unexpectedly elicited a monophasic P600 effect in English and Dutch rather than an N400 effect. Subsequent research revealed variability in the presence/absence of an N400 effect to SRAs depending on the language examined and the choice of verb type in English. However, most previous studies employed the same presentation modality (visual) and task (acceptability judgement). Here, we conducted two experiments and three statistical analyses to investigate the influence of stimulus modality, task demand and statistical choices on event-related potential (ERP) response patterns to SRAs in English. We reproduced a previous study's procedure and analysis (N. Bourguignon et al. (2012) Brain and Language, 122, 179-189) and further introduced between-subjects factors of task type and modality, using mixed-effects modelling to analyse the data. We observed an N400 effect to typical English SRAs (agent subject verbs, e.g. "the fries will eat the boys"), which contrasts existing literature and was not predicted by existing theories that account for SRA processing. Task demand modulated the ERPs elicited by SRAs, while auditory presentation led to increased comprehension accuracy and a more broadly distributed ERP. Finally, the statistical methods used influenced the presence/absence of ERP effects. Our results suggest a sensitivity of language-related ERP patterns to methodological parameters, and we conclude that future experiments should take this into careful consideration.