"You need to just provide health services:" navigating the politics of harm reduction in the twin housing and overdose crises in Vancouver, BC

Walk With Me: reducing harm and confronting the toxic drug poisoning crisis in small British Columbia cities through community engaged research

In an era of escalating and intersectional crises, the toxic drug poisoning crisis stands out as a devastating and persistent phenomenon. Where we write from in British Columbia (BC), Canada, over 13,000 deaths have occurred in the eight years since the toxic drug poisoning crisis was declared a provincial health emergency. While many of these deaths have occurred in large urban centres, smaller rural communities in British Columbia are also grappling with the profound impacts of the toxic drug poisoning crisis and are struggling to provide adequate support for their vulnerable populations. In response to these challenges, the Walk With Me research project has emerged in the Comox Valley of Vancouver Island, BC, employing community-engaged methodologies grounded in pluralist knowledge production. Walk With Me seeks to understand the unique manifestations of the toxic drug poisoning crisis in small communities, identifying local harm reduction interventions that can foster community resilience, and aiming to catalyze sustainable change by amplifying the voices of those directly affected by the crisis to advocate for policy changes. This paper outlines the conceptual and methodological underpinnings of the Walk With Me project as a harm reduction initiative, which holds community partnerships and diverse ways of knowing at its heart. It presents the community-engaged research framework used by the project to address overlapping health and social crises, offering practical examples of its application in various research projects across sites and organizations. The paper concludes with a reflection on the impacts of Walk With Me to date, highlighting the lessons learned, challenges encountered, and opportunities for future research and action. Overall, this article captures the urgent need for community-engaged approaches to address the toxic drug poisoning crisis and other multidimensional crises facing society, particularly in smaller and rural communities, underscoring the potential for meaningful change through collaborative, grassroots efforts.

Using alone at home: What's missing in housing-based responses to the overdose crisis?

BACKGROUND

Against the backdrop of North America's overdose crisis, most overdose deaths are occurring in housing environments, largely due to individuals using drugs alone. Overdose deaths in cities remain concentrated in marginal housing environments (e.g., single-room occupancy housing, shelters), which are often the only forms of housing available to urban poor and drug-using communities. This commentary aims to highlight current housing-based overdose prevention interventions and to situate them within the broader environmental contexts of marginal housing. In doing so, we call attention to the need to better understand marginal housing as sites of overdose vulnerability and public health intervention to optimize responses to the overdose crisis.

HARM REDUCTION AND OVERDOSE PREVENTION IN HOUSING

In response to high overdose rates in marginal housing environments several interventions (e.g., housing-based supervised consumption rooms, peer-witnessed injection) have recently been implemented in select jurisdictions. However, even with the growing recognition of marginal housing as a key intervention site, housing-based interventions have yet to be scaled up in a meaningful way. Further, there have been persistent challenges to tailoring these approaches to address dynamics within housing environments. Thus, while it is critical to expand coverage of housing-based interventions across marginal housing environments, these interventions must also attend to the contextual drivers of risks in these settings to best foster enabling environments for harm reduction and maximize impacts.

CONCLUSION

Emerging housing-focused interventions are designed to address key drivers of overdose risk (e.g., using alone, toxic drug supply). Yet, broader contextual factors (e.g., drug criminalization, housing quality, gender) are equally critical factors that shape how structurally vulnerable people who use drugs navigate and engage with harm reduction interventions. A more comprehensive understanding of these contextual factors within housing environments is needed to inform policy and programmatic interventions that are responsive to the needs of people who use drugs in these settings.

Vancouver's Alcohol Knowledge Exchange: lessons learned from creating a peer-involved alcohol harm reduction strategy in Vancouver's Downtown Eastside

Despite high rates of harm attributable to alcohol use itself and the associated marginalization of illicit drinkers in Vancouver's Downtown Eastside (DTES), alcohol-specific harm reduction services there are under-resourced and highly disconnected from one another. In response to these conditions and high rates of death amongst its membership, the Eastside Illicit Drinkers Group for Education, an affiliate group of the Vancouver Area Network of Drug Users, convened a regular meeting of stakeholders, termed a "community of practice" in 2019 to bring together peers who used beverage and non-beverage alcohol, shelter and harm reduction service providers, public health professionals, clinicians, and policymakers to improve system-level capacity to reduce alcohol-related harm. The discussions that followed from these meetings were transformed into the Vancouver Alcohol Strategy (VAS), a comprehensive, harm reduction-oriented policy framework for alcohol harm reduction in the DTES. This article highlights our experiences producing community-led alcohol policy through the VAS with specific attention to the ways in which people who use alcohol themselves were centred throughout the policy development process. We also provide summary overviews of each of the VAS document's 6 thematic areas for action, highlighting a sampling of the 47 total unique recommendations. Historically, people who use non-beverage alcohol and whose use of alcohol in public spaces is criminalized due to housing precarity and visible poverty have been excluded from the development of population-level alcohol policies that can harm this specific population. The process of policy development undertaken by the VAS has attempted to resist this top-down approach to public health policy development related to alcohol control by intentionally creating space for people with lived experience to guide our recommendations. We conclude by suggesting that a grassroots enthusiasm for harm reduction focused policy development exists in Vancouver's DTES, and requires resources from governmental public health institutions to meaningfully prevent and reduce alcohol-related and policy-induced harms.

Saving lives in our homes: Qualitative evaluation of a tenant overdose response program in supportive, single-room occupancy (SRO) housing

BACKGROUND

People using opioids alone in private settings are at elevated risk of dying in the event of an overdose. In San Francisco, single room occupancy (SRO) tenants are 19 times more likely to die of overdose than non-SRO residents. The "SRO Project" pilot aimed to reduce fatal overdoses in SROs by recruiting and training tenants to distribute naloxone and provide overdose education in their buildings. We explore the implementation and program impacts of the SRO Project pilot in two permanent supportive housing SROs.

METHODS

We conducted eight months of ethnographic fieldwork (May 2021 - Feb 2022), including 35 days observing SRO Project pilot activities, and semi-structured interviews with 11 housing staff and 8 tenant overdose prevention specialists ('specialists'). Data were analyzed using a grounded theory approach to characterize program impacts, implementation strengths, and implementation challenges from the perspective of specialists and housing staff.

FINDINGS

We found that the SRO project increased awareness, access to, and understanding of naloxone; facilitated other mutual-aid practices; supported privacy and autonomy of tenants regarding their drug use; and improved rapport, communication and trust between tenants and housing staff. Strengths of the implementation process included involvement of tenants with diverse social locations and skill sets and, at one site, a team-based approach that fostered program innovation, tenant solidarity and a sense of collective ownership over the project. Program implementation was challenged by frequent turnover and capacity constraints of housing staff, particularly during overnight shifts when overdose risks were greatest. Additional challenges arose due to the psychosocial burden of overdose response work, gendered violence, issues with compensation methods, and scope creep in specialists' roles.

CONCLUSION

This evaluation contributes further evidence regarding the effectiveness of tenant-led naloxone distribution and overdose education in permanent supportive and SRO housing environments. Findings indicate program implementation and sustainability can be improved by expanding tenant specialist training, compensating specialists in cash, and building stronger psychosocial support for tenants responding to overdoses in their homes.

"I am not a junkie": Social categorization and differentiation among people who use drugs

BACKGROUND

Substance use stigma is a form of group-based exclusion, and delineating pathways from stigma to poor health requires a deeper understanding of the social dynamics of people who use drugs (PWUD). Outside of recovery, scant research has examined the role of social identity in addiction. Framed by Social Identity Theory/Self-Categorization Theory, this qualitative study investigated strategies of within-group categorization and differentiation among PWUD and the roles these social categories may play in shaping intragroup attitudes, perceptions, and behaviors.

METHODS

Data come from the Rural Opioid Initiative, a multi-site study of the overdose epidemic in rural United States. We conducted in-depth interviews with people who reported using opioids or injecting any drug (n=355) living in 65 counties across 10 states. Interviews focused on participants' biographical histories, past and current drug use, risk behaviors, and experiences with healthcare providers and law enforcement. Social categories and dimensions along which categories were evaluated were inductively identified using reflexive thematic analysis.

RESULTS

We identified seven social categories that were commonly appraised by participants along eight evaluative dimensions. Categories included drug of choice, route of administration, method of attainment, gender, age, genesis of use, and recovery approach. Categories were evaluated by participants based on ascribed characteristics of morality, destructiveness, aversiveness, control, functionality, victimhood, recklessness, and determination. Participants performed nuanced identity work during interviews, including reifying social categories, defining 'addict' prototypicality, reflexively comparing self to other, and disidentifying from the PWUD supra-category.

CONCLUSION

We identify several facets of identity, both behavioral and demographic, along which people who use drugs perceive salient social boundaries. Beyond an addiction-recovery binary, identity is shaped by multiple aspects of the social self in substance use. Patterns of categorization and differentiation revealed negative intragroup attitudes, including stigma, that may hinder solidary-building and collective action in this marginalized group.

“It's no foundation, there's no stabilization, you're just scattered”: A qualitative study of the institutional circuit of recently-evicted people who use drugs

People who use drugs (PWUD) commonly experience housing instability due to intersecting structural vulnerabilities (e.g., drug prohibition, discriminatory housing policies), and prejudicial or illegal evictions are common. In Vancouver, Canada, evictions have proliferated in the Downtown Eastside, a historically low-income neighbourhood with high rates of drug use and housing instability, resulting in many PWUD being evicted into homelessness. This study characterizes housing trajectories of recently-evicted PWUD through the lens of the institutional circuit of homelessness, and explores how wider contexts of structural vulnerability shape experiences within this. Qualitative interviews were conducted with PWUD recently evicted in the Downtown Eastside (<60 days). Peer research assistants recruited 58 PWUD through outreach activities. All PWUD participated in baseline interviews on the causes and contexts of evictions. Follow-up interviews were completed with 41 participants 3-6 months later, focusing on longer-term impacts of eviction, including housing trajectories. Most participants were evicted into homelessness, remaining so at follow-up. Participants described patterns of residential instability consisting of frequent cycling between shelters, streets, and kin-based networks. While participants normalized this cycling as characteristic of their marginalized social positions, narratives revealed how the demands of the institutional circuit deepened vulnerabilities and prolonged experiences of homelessness. Experiences were framed by participants' (in)ability to navigate survival needs (e.g., shelter, drug use), with tensions and trade-offs between needs increasing participants' and their peers' risks of harms. Constructions of agency further shaped experiences; accounts highlighted tensions between the control inherent to indoor spaces and participants' need for autonomy. Findings demonstrate how the demands of the institutional circuit foregrounded structural vulnerabilities to perpetuate cycles of instability. Interventions that address survival needs and preserve agency will be necessary to mitigate risks within the institutional circuit, in tandem with upstream interventions that target housing vulnerability and broader social-structural conditions (e.g., poverty, affordability) that entrap recently-evicted PWUD in the institutional circuit.

Between Care and Control: Examining Surveillance Practices in Harm Reduction

As harm reduction programs and services proliferate, people who use drugs (PWUD) are increasingly subjected to surveillance through the collection of their personal information, systematic observation, and other means. The data generated from these practices are frequently repurposed across various institutional sites for clinical, evaluative, epidemiological, and administrative uses. Rationales provided for increased surveillance include the more effective provision of care, service optimization, risk stratification, and efficiency in resource allocation. With this in mind, our reflective essay draws on empirical analysis of work within harm reduction services and movements to reflect critically on the impacts and implications of surveillance expansion. While we argue that many surveillance practices are not inherently problematic or harmful, the unchecked expansion of surveillance under a banner of health and harm reduction may contribute to decreased uptake of services, rationing and conditionalities tied to service access, the potential deepening of health disparities amongst some PWUD, and an overlay of health and criminal-legal systems. In this context, surveillance relies on the enlistment of a range of therapeutic actors and reflects the permeable boundary between care and control. We thus call for a broader critical dialogue within harm reduction on the problems and potential impacts posed by surveillance in service settings, the end to data sharing of health information with law enforcement and other criminal legal actors, and deference to the stated need among PWUD for meaningful anonymity when accessing harm reduction and health services.

'We don't live in a harm reduction world, we live in a prohibition world': tensions arising in the design of drug alerts

BACKGROUND

Drug alerts designed for health and community workforces have potential to avert acute harms associated with unpredictable illicit drug markets, by preparing workers to respond to unusual drug-related events, and distribute information to service users. However, the design of such alerts is complicated by diverse needs of individuals, and broader socio-political contexts. Here, we discuss the tensions that arose in the process of co-designing drug alert templates with health and community workers.

METHODS

We conducted five in-depth digital co-design workshops with 31 workers employed in alcohol and other drug and urgent care settings. Our approach to analysis was informed by Iterative Categorisation and reflexive thematic analysis methods.

RESULTS

We identified five key tensions. First, there is a need to provide comprehensive information to meet the information needs of a diverse group of workers with varying knowledge levels, while also designing alerts to be clear, concise, and relevant to the work of individuals. Second, it is important that alerts do not create 'information overload'; however, it is also important that information should be available to those who want it. Third, alert design and dissemination must be perceived to be credible, to avoid 'alert scepticism'; however, credibility is challenging to develop in a broader context of criminalisation, stigmatisation, and sensationalism. Fourth, alerts must be carefully designed to achieve 'intended effects' and avoid unintended effects, while acknowledging that it is impossible to control all potential effects. Finally, while alerts may be intended for an audience of health and community workers, people who use drugs are the end-users and must be kept front of mind in the design process.

CONCLUSIONS

The co-design process revealed complexities in designing drug alerts, particularly in the context of stigmatised illicit drug use, workforce diversity, and dissemination strategies. This study has highlighted the value of developing these important risk communication tools with their target audiences to ensure that they are relevant, useful, and impactful. The findings have informed the development of our drug alert prototypes and provide local context to complement existing best-practice risk-communications literature.

Injecting drugs alone during an overdose crisis in Vancouver, Canada

BACKGROUND

Settings throughout Canada and the USA continue to experience crises of overdose death due to the toxic unregulated drug supply. Injecting drugs alone limits the potential for intervention and has accounted for a significant proportion of overdose deaths, yet the practice remains understudied. We sought to examine the practice of injecting alone among people who inject drugs (PWID) in Vancouver, Canada.

METHODS

Data were derived from two prospective cohorts of people who use drugs between June 2016 and November 2018. This analysis was restricted to participants who, in the previous 6 months, reported any injection drug use. Rates of injecting alone were categorized as always, usually, sometimes, or occasionally. We fit a multivariable generalized linear mixed model to identify factors associated with injecting drugs alone.

RESULTS

Among 1070 PWID who contributed 3307 observations, 931 (87%) reported injecting alone at least once during the study period. In total, there were 729 (22%) reports of always injecting alone, 722 (21.8%) usually, 471 (14.2%) sometimes, 513 (15.5%) occasionally, and 872 (26.4%) never. In a multivariable model, factors positively associated with injecting drugs alone included male sex (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] 1.69; 95% confidence interval [CI] 1.20-2.37), residence in the Downtown Eastside neighbourhood (AOR 1.43; 95% CI 1.08-1.91), binge drug use (AOR 1.36; 95% CI 1.08-1.72), and experiencing physical or sexual violence or both (AOR 1.43; 95% CI 1.00-2.03). Protective factors included Indigenous ancestry (AOR 0.71; 95% CI 0.52-0.98) and being in a relationship (AOR 0.30; 95% CI 0.23-0.39).

CONCLUSION

We observed that injecting alone, a key risk for overdose mortality, was common among PWID in Vancouver. Our findings underline the need for additional overdose prevention measures that are gender-specific, culturally appropriate, violence- and trauma-informed, and available to those who inject alone.

Framing Kin Resistance to Opioid Overdose in Philadelphia

Interviews with close kin of those who died from opioid overdose in Philadelphia in 2017 reveal myriad strategies that families employ to minimize overdose risk, secure treatment options, and mitigate everyday precarity that can result from heroin addiction. Their efforts to keep kin alive - at times contradictory, conflicted, desperate and, in the end, ineffectual - reveal deeply situated structural vulnerabilities. When understood as "resistance" to death, however, kin strategies return us to a vital tenet of harm reduction - the imperative to develop programs in collaboration with those most impacted, in this case families at risk of overdose fatality.

Investigating a bidirectional relationship between overdose and provision of injection initiation assistance among persons who inject drugs in Vancouver, Canada and Tijuana, Mexico

BACKGROUND

Individuals who initiate injection drug use often receive assistance from an injection-knowledgeable peer. Persons who assist peers in injection initiation events often inject frequently, which heightens overdose risk. As such, overdose and injection initiation events may be correlated. To explore a potential relationship, we assessed temporal associations between experiencing a non-fatal overdose and assisting others in initiating injection drug use among persons who inject drugs in two North American cities - Vancouver, Canada and Tijuana, Mexico.

METHODS

From 2014 to 2018, this retrospective cohort study included people who inject drugs from Vancouver (n=1332) and Tijuana (n=666) who completed a baseline and six-month follow-up interview. Within each site, we assessed bidirectional temporal associations using two separate multivariable logistic regression models: for model 1, recent provision of injection initiation assistance (at six months) was the outcome and recent overdose (at baseline) was the exposure; for model 2, recent overdose (at six months) was the outcome and recent provision of injection initiation assistance (at baseline) was the exposure. Both models adjusted for potential confounders.

RESULTS

Vancouver-based participants reporting overdose at baseline had 163% greater odds of reporting provision of injection initiation assistance at follow-up (adjusted Odds Ratio [aOR] 2.63; 95% Confidence Interval [CI] 1.41-4.90); while participants reporting provision of injection initiation assistance at baseline had 89% greater odds of reporting a non-fatal overdose at follow-up (aOR 1.89; 95% CI 1.00-3.57). Among Tijuana-based participants, we did not observe a statistically significant association in either direction.

CONCLUSION

Findings in Vancouver suggest that injection initiation assistance and overdose are bidirectionally-associated phenomena. The present findings highlight the need for interventions that ensure that persons who provide injection initiation assistance are given overdose prevention support, both for themselves and for those they assist to initiate injection drug use. While our Tijuana-based results did not suggest a bidirectional relationship, preventative approaches should nonetheless be undertaken.

Navigating post-eviction drug use amidst a changing drug supply: A spatially-oriented qualitative study of overlapping housing and overdose crises in Vancouver, Canada

BACKGROUND

North American cities are experiencing intersecting housing and overdose crises as illicit drug markets become marked by the proliferation of fentanyl and methamphetamine. Despite recent research documenting associations between evictions and drug-related risks and harms, including overdose, the mechanisms through which these occur remain poorly understood. This study to examines how evictions shape the drug use practices of people who use drugs in Vancouver's Downtown Eastside - a neighbourhood with an established drug scene - as the illicit drug supply changed.

METHODS

Qualitative interviews and geo-spatial data collection were conducted with 56 recently evicted PWUD. Data were analyzed by interfacing qualitative and geo-spatial data, and interpreted focusing on how structural vulnerability shaped spatial practices and drug-related risks post-eviction.

RESULTS

Findings demonstrate how post-eviction spatial practices and routines produced risk and harm as participants navigated the uncertainties of housing vulnerability and drug supply changes. Post-eviction disruptions complicated participants' ability to engage with trusted drug sellers. Changes to spatial patterns and access to private spaces rendered public drug use inevitable, though this was mitigated to some degree by harm reduction supports. Abrupt changes to drug use patterns occurred due to post-eviction disruptions and included instrumental uses of methamphetamine to increase alertness and navigate survival amidst severe hardship.

CONCLUSIONS

Findings demonstrate how post-eviction changes to routines and spatial patterns are framed by structural vulnerability and can exacerbate drug-related harms, particularly in the context of a changing drug supply. There is an urgent need for structural interventions and harm reduction responses to mitigate harms associated with evictions.