[Homicide and major mental disorder: what are the social, clinical, and forensic differences between murderers with a major mental disorder and murderers without any mental disorder?]

Crime-scene and offender characteristics in conventional and nonconventional stranger homicides committed by male offenders in Sweden

In Sweden, from 1990 to 2013, most homicides occurred between family members, friends or acquaintances: the annual rate of incidents between unacquainted offenders and victims ranged between 8% and 13%. In the majority of these "stranger homicides," three common motives, as defined by the precipitating event, could be identified: homicides resulting from a spontaneous altercation; homicides committed in the context of a robbery or burglary; and homicides committed in the context of a gangland conflict. The remaining minority-with uncommon or indiscernible motives-could, nonetheless, be categorized according to their nonconventional distinguishing feature: homicides characterized by the offender's ostensibly mentally aberrant behavior; homicides committed in the context of a hate offense or politically motivated offense; homicides committed in the context of a sexual offense; and homicides committed in the context of a mass killing or series of homicides. In this registry-based study of 224 incidents, "conventional" stranger homicides, defined by their commonplace motive, were compared with "nonconventional" stranger homicides, defined by their lack of such motive. The former were more often committed with an accomplice, against a male victim, whereas the latter were more often committed in a public place, after contact initiated by the offender. In the latter, offenders were less often intoxicated at the time of the offense and more often adjudged to suffer from a severe mental disorder. The subcategory of nonconventional stranger homicides characterized by the offender's ostensibly mentally aberrant behavior corresponded largely to both the archetypal stranger-homicide construct and the popular notion "act of madness."

Guilty or not guilty by reason of insanity? a comparative study of murderers referred for psychiatric examination by court order

BACKGROUND

Some murders are committed under the influence of a psychotic state resulting from a mental disorder, mainly schizophrenia. According to the law in many countries, people with mental disorders do not have criminal responsibility. They are defined as not guilty due to insanity (insanity defense) and therefore cannot be punished. In Israel, in recent years, more lawyers are requesting psychiatric opinions for the murder defendants they represent. This study aims to explore the differences between two groups of murderers: individuals who committed murder and were found not guilty by reason of insanity (NGRI) and individuals who committed murder and were found responsible and guilty. The comparison is made from a broad perspective by examining sociodemographic factors and psychiatric factors as well as criminological and forensic factors.

METHODS

This study, conducted in Israel, analyzes the sociodemographic and forensic differences between 72 individuals who committed murder and were found not guilty by reason of insanity (NGRI) and 56 individuals who committed murder and were found responsible for their actions and fit to stand trial (guilty).

RESULTS

The findings show that NGRI participants were more likely to be from central areas, to be Jewish (rather than Arab), to be diagnosed with schizophrenia and have a background of hospitalizations before committing the murder, to have remained at the murder scene and/or called for help, and to be less likely to have committed the murder with a partner.

CONCLUSIONS

The study's findings are explained and the limitations discussed. The findings add to the existing knowledge base about murder by reason of insanity and the differences between NGRI and criminal murderers. The characteristics of the NGRI group found here can help to identify risk groups and to develop and implement prevention programs for people with mental disorders who are at risk of violent behavior.

The epidemiological and medico-legal characteristics of violent deaths and spousal homicides through a population of women autopsied within the Forensic Medicine Department of the University Hospital of Annaba

BACKGROUND

Domestic violence is a real public health problem with considerable consequences, ranging from minor injuries to death. Our study aims to determine the epidemiological and forensic characteristics relating to the violent mortality of women, and more particularly spousal homicide.

METHODS

To do this, a double survey was conducted. The first step was descriptive and retrospective, and the second survey was analytical and prospective. This latter step covered the most populous age group of murdered women in Algeria, which is eighteen-year-old and over, and subjected a number of these female victims to a medico-judicial autopsy at the level of the thanatology unit for over four years counting two years for each survey (2017-2018 and 2019-2020). Data were entered and processed using Epi-info6 software.

RESULTS

During the initial period of our study, we identified 35 cases of violent deaths involving women and representing a frequency of 5.71% of the thanatological activity. During the second period, 12 spousal homicides were recorded and autopsied, representing a frequency of 1.79% of all forensic deaths in the corresponding study period. The average age of the victims was evaluated at 33 ± 12.91 years, with extremes of 19 to 56 years. The age of the perpetrators of spousal homicide was evaluated at 42 ± 10.76 years with extremes ranging from 30 to 60 years. For victims of violent death and spousal homicide, inactivity was a strongly implicated risk factor, with respective frequencies of (88.57%) and (58.33%). Two-thirds of the persecuted women were completely unknown to the healthcare environment and had never consulted a medical professional. This parameter could be one of the predictive signs of spousal homicide. The marital home was the preferred location for violent deaths and spousal homicides. These crimes occurred variably during the period of marriage and eventually after divorce. As for the modus operandi, the perpetrators use many sharp and spinous weapons, including firearms and blunt objects.

CONCLUSION

Autopsy and medico-legal investigations took a decisive interest in the identification of the causes of spousal homicide; indeed, many serious traumatic lesions incompatible with life have been highlighted. We underline the crucial role that healthcare professionals must play in the process of identifying and evaluating potentially risky situations.