Enhanced physiologic discriminability of stop consonants with prolonged formant transitions in awake monkeys based on the tonotopic organization of primary auditory cortex

Early Interactive Acoustic Experience with Non-speech Generalizes to Speech and Confers a Syllabic Processing Advantage at 9 Months

During early development, the infant brain is highly plastic and sensory experiences modulate emerging cortical maps, enhancing processing efficiency as infants set up key linguistic precursors. Early interactive acoustic experience (IAE) with spectrotemporally-modulated non-speech has been shown to facilitate optimal acoustic processing and generalizes to novel non-speech sounds at 7-months-of-age. Here we demonstrate that effects of non-speech IAE endure well beyond the immediate training period and robustly generalize to speech processing. Infants who received non-speech IAE differed at 9-months-of-age from both naïve controls and those with only passive acoustic exposure, demonstrating broad modulation of oscillatory dynamics. For the standard syllable, increased high-gamma (>70 Hz) power within auditory cortices indicates that IAE fosters native speech processing, facilitating establishment of phonemic representations. The higher left beta power seen may reflect increased linking of sensory information and corresponding articulatory patterns, while bilateral decreases in theta power suggest more mature automatized speech processing, as less neuronal resources were allocated to process syllabic information. For the deviant syllable, left-lateralized gamma (<70 Hz) enhancement suggests IAE promotes phonemic-related discrimination abilities. Theta power increases in right auditory cortex, known for favoring slow-rate decoding, implies IAE facilitates the more demanding processing of the sporadic deviant syllable.

Neural representation of vowel formants in tonotopic auditory cortex

Speech sounds are encoded by distributed patterns of activity in bilateral superior temporal cortex. However, it is unclear whether speech sounds are topographically represented in cortex, or which acoustic or phonetic dimensions might be spatially mapped. Here, using functional MRI, we investigated the potential spatial representation of vowels, which are largely distinguished from one another by the frequencies of their first and second formants, i.e. peaks in their frequency spectra. This allowed us to generate clear hypotheses about the representation of specific vowels in tonotopic regions of auditory cortex. We scanned participants as they listened to multiple natural tokens of the vowels [ɑ] and [i], which we selected because their first and second formants overlap minimally. Formant-based regions of interest were defined for each vowel based on spectral analysis of the vowel stimuli and independently acquired tonotopic maps for each participant. We found that perception of [ɑ] and [i] yielded differential activation of tonotopic regions corresponding to formants of [ɑ] and [i], such that each vowel was associated with increased signal in tonotopic regions corresponding to its own formants. This pattern was observed in Heschl's gyrus and the superior temporal gyrus, in both hemispheres, and for both the first and second formants. Using linear discriminant analysis of mean signal change in formant-based regions of interest, the identity of untrained vowels was predicted with ∼73% accuracy. Our findings show that cortical encoding of vowels is scaffolded on tonotopy, a fundamental organizing principle of auditory cortex that is not language-specific.

Brainstem Encoding of Aided Speech in Hearing Aid Users with Cochlear Dead Region(s)

INTRODUCTION

Neural encoding of speech begins with the analysis of the signal as a whole broken down into its sinusoidal components in the cochlea, which has to be conserved up to the higher auditory centers. Some of these components target the dead regions of the cochlea causing little or no excitation. Measuring aided speech-evoked auditory brainstem response elicited by speech stimuli with different spectral maxima can give insight into the brainstem encoding of aided speech with spectral maxima at these dead regions.

OBJECTIVE

This research aims to study the impact of dead regions of the cochlea on speech processing at the brainstem level after a long period of hearing aid use.

METHODS

This study comprised 30 ears without dead regions and 46 ears with dead regions at low, mid, or high frequencies. For all ears, we measured the aided speech-evoked auditory brainstem response using speech stimuli of low, mid, and high spectral maxima.

RESULTS

Aided speech-evoked auditory brainstem response was producible in all subjects. Responses evoked by stimuli with spectral maxima at dead regions had longer latencies and smaller amplitudes when compared with the control group or the responses of other stimuli.

CONCLUSION

The presence of cochlear dead regions affects brainstem encoding of speech with spectral maxima perpendicular to these regions. Brainstem neuroplasticity and the extrinsic redundancy of speech can minimize the impact of dead regions in chronic hearing aid users.

Dynamic encoding of speech sequence probability in human temporal cortex

Sensory processing involves identification of stimulus features, but also integration with the surrounding sensory and cognitive context. Previous work in animals and humans has shown fine-scale sensitivity to context in the form of learned knowledge about the statistics of the sensory environment, including relative probabilities of discrete units in a stream of sequential auditory input. These statistics are a defining characteristic of one of the most important sequential signals humans encounter: speech. For speech, extensive exposure to a language tunes listeners to the statistics of sound sequences. To address how speech sequence statistics are neurally encoded, we used high-resolution direct cortical recordings from human lateral superior temporal cortex as subjects listened to words and nonwords with varying transition probabilities between sound segments. In addition to their sensitivity to acoustic features (including contextual features, such as coarticulation), we found that neural responses dynamically encoded the language-level probability of both preceding and upcoming speech sounds. Transition probability first negatively modulated neural responses, followed by positive modulation of neural responses, consistent with coordinated predictive and retrospective recognition processes, respectively. Furthermore, transition probability encoding was different for real English words compared with nonwords, providing evidence for online interactions with high-order linguistic knowledge. These results demonstrate that sensory processing of deeply learned stimuli involves integrating physical stimulus features with their contextual sequential structure. Despite not being consciously aware of phoneme sequence statistics, listeners use this information to process spoken input and to link low-level acoustic representations with linguistic information about word identity and meaning.

Anatomic organization of the auditory cortex

The auditory cortex is a network of areas in the part of the brain that receives inputs from the subcortical auditory pathways in the brainstem and thalamus. Through an elaborate network of intrinsic and extrinsic connections, the auditory cortex is thought to bring about the conscious perception of sound and provide a basis for the comprehension and production of meaningful utterances. In this chapter, the organization of auditory cortex is described with an emphasis on its anatomic features and the flow of information within the network. These features are then used to introduce key neurophysiologic concepts that are being intensively studied in humans and animal models. The discussion is presented in the context of our working model of the primate auditory cortex and extensions to humans. The material is presented in the context of six underlying principles, which reflect distinct, but related, aspects of anatomic and physiologic organization: (1) the division of auditory cortex into regions; (2) the subdivision of regions into areas; (3) tonotopic organization of areas; (4) thalamocortical connections; (5) serial and parallel organization of connections; and (6) topographic relationships between auditory and auditory-related areas. Although the functional roles of the various components of this network remain poorly defined, a more complete understanding is emerging from ongoing studies that link auditory behavior to its anatomic and physiologic substrates.

Physiologic discrimination of stop consonants relates to phonological skills in pre-readers: a biomarker for subsequent reading ability?(†)

Reading development builds upon the accurate representation of the phonological structure of spoken language. This representation and its neural foundations have been studied extensively with respect to reading due to pervasive performance deficits on basic phonological tasks observed in children with dyslexia. The subcortical auditory system - a site of intersection for sensory and cognitive input - is exquisitely tuned to code fine timing differences between phonemes, and so likely plays a foundational role in the development of phonological processing and, eventually, reading. This temporal coding of speech varies systematically with reading ability in school age children. Little is known, however, about subcortical speech representation in pre-school age children. We measured auditory brainstem responses to the stop consonants [ba] and [ga] in a cohort of 4-year-old children and assessed their phonological skills. In a typical auditory system, brainstem responses to [ba] and [ga] are out of phase (i.e., differ in time) due to formant frequency differences in the consonant-vowel transitions of the stimuli. We found that children who performed worst on the phonological awareness task insufficiently code this difference, revealing a physiologic link between early phonological skills and the neural representation of speech. We discuss this finding in light of existing theories of the role of the auditory system in developmental dyslexia, and argue for a systems-level perspective for understanding the importance of precise temporal coding for learning to read.

Representation of speech in human auditory cortex: is it special?

Successful categorization of phonemes in speech requires that the brain analyze the acoustic signal along both spectral and temporal dimensions. Neural encoding of the stimulus amplitude envelope is critical for parsing the speech stream into syllabic units. Encoding of voice onset time (VOT) and place of articulation (POA), cues necessary for determining phonemic identity, occurs within shorter time frames. An unresolved question is whether the neural representation of speech is based on processing mechanisms that are unique to humans and shaped by learning and experience, or is based on rules governing general auditory processing that are also present in non-human animals. This question was examined by comparing the neural activity elicited by speech and other complex vocalizations in primary auditory cortex of macaques, who are limited vocal learners, with that in Heschl's gyrus, the putative location of primary auditory cortex in humans. Entrainment to the amplitude envelope is neither specific to humans nor to human speech. VOT is represented by responses time-locked to consonant release and voicing onset in both humans and monkeys. Temporal representation of VOT is observed both for isolated syllables and for syllables embedded in the more naturalistic context of running speech. The fundamental frequency of male speakers is represented by more rapid neural activity phase-locked to the glottal pulsation rate in both humans and monkeys. In both species, the differential representation of stop consonants varying in their POA can be predicted by the relationship between the frequency selectivity of neurons and the onset spectra of the speech sounds. These findings indicate that the neurophysiology of primary auditory cortex is similar in monkeys and humans despite their vastly different experience with human speech, and that Heschl's gyrus is engaged in general auditory, and not language-specific, processing. This article is part of a Special Issue entitled "Communication Sounds and the Brain: New Directions and Perspectives".

Electrophysiological evidence for attenuated auditory recovery cycles in children with specific language impairment

Previous research indicates that at least some children with specific language impairment (SLI) show a reduced neural response when non-linguistic tones were presented at rapid rates. However, this past research has examined older children, and it is unclear whether such deficits emerge earlier in development. It is also unclear whether atypical refractory effects differ for linguistic versus non-linguistic stimuli or can be explained by deficits in selective auditory attention reported among children with SLI. In the present study, auditory refractory periods were compared in a group of 24 young children with SLI (age 3-8 years) and 24 matched control children. Event-related brain potentials (ERPs) were recorded and compared to 100 ms linguistic and non-linguistic probe stimuli presented at inter-stimulus intervals (ISIs) of 200, 500, or 1000 ms. These probes were superimposed on story narratives when attended and ignored, permitting an experimental manipulation of selective attention within the same paradigm. Across participants, clear refractory effects were observed with this paradigm, evidenced as a reduced amplitude response from 100 to 200 ms at shorter ISIs. Children with SLI showed reduced amplitude ERPs relative to the typically-developing group at only the shortest, 200 ms, ISI and this difference was over the left-hemisphere for linguistic probes and over the right-hemisphere for non-linguistic probes. None of these effects was influenced by the direction of selective attention. Taken together, these findings suggest that deficits in the neural representation of rapidly presented auditory stimuli may be one risk factor for atypical language development.

Intracranial study of speech-elicited activity on the human posterolateral superior temporal gyrus

To clarify speech-elicited response patterns within auditory-responsive cortex of the posterolateral superior temporal (PLST) gyrus, time-frequency analyses of event-related band power in the high gamma frequency range (75-175 Hz) were performed on the electrocorticograms recorded from high-density subdural grid electrodes in 8 patients undergoing evaluation for medically intractable epilepsy. Stimuli were 6 stop consonant-vowel (CV) syllables that varied in their consonant place of articulation (POA) and voice onset time (VOT). Initial augmentation was maximal over several centimeters of PLST, lasted about 400 ms, and was often followed by suppression and a local outward expansion of activation. Maximal gamma power overlapped either the Nα or Pβ deflections of the average evoked potential (AEP). Correlations were observed between the relative magnitudes of gamma band responses elicited by unvoiced stop CV syllables (/pa/, /ka/, /ta/) and their corresponding voiced stop CV syllables (/ba/, /ga/, /da/), as well as by the VOT of the stimuli. VOT was also represented in the temporal patterns of the AEP. These findings, obtained in the passive awake state, indicate that PLST discriminates acoustic features associated with POA and VOT and serve as a benchmark upon which task-related speech activity can be compared.

Representation of speech categories in the primate auditory cortex

A "ventral" auditory pathway in nonhuman primates that originates in the core auditory cortex and ends in the prefrontal cortex is thought to be involved in components of nonspatial auditory processing. Previous work from our laboratory has indicated that neurons in the prefrontal cortex reflect monkeys' decisions during categorical judgments. Here, we tested the role of the superior temporal gyrus (STG), a region of the secondary auditory cortex that is part of this ventral pathway, during similar categorical judgments. While monkeys participated in a match-to-category task and reported whether two consecutive auditory stimuli belonged to the same category or to different categories, we recorded spiking activity from STG neurons. The auditory stimuli were morphs of two human-speech sounds (bad and dad). We found that STG neurons represented auditory categories. However, unlike activity in the prefrontal cortex, STG activity was not modulated by the monkeys' behavioral reports (choices). This finding is consistent with the anterolateral STG's role as a part of functional circuit involved in the coding, representation, and perception of the nonspatial features of an auditory stimulus.