Event-related potential evidence for the early activation of literal meaning during comprehension of conventional lexical metaphors

Comprehension of metaphors in patients with mild cognitive impairment: Evidence from behavioral and ERP data

The ability of metaphor comprehension reflects the cognitive status of elders. This study explored the ability of Chinese aMCI patients to access metaphorical meaning based on linguistic models of metaphor processing. ERPs were recorded from 30 aMCI patients and 30 control participants when judging the meaningfulness of literal sentences, conventional metaphors, novel metaphors, and anomalous expressions. The lower accuracy of the aMCI group revealed an impairment in metaphoric comprehension ability, but this difference was not reflected in ERPs data. In all participants, anomalous endings to sentences evoked the most negative N400 amplitude, whereas conventional metaphors evoked the smallest N400 amplitude. The LPC amplitude might be masked by a metaphor rebound effect when processing novel metaphors, which was consistent with the Graded Salience Model that novel metaphors needed further semantic integration. The results suggest that the aMCI patients may suffer an impairment in metaphorical meaning recognition, which the declined working memory may cause.

N400 differences between physical and mental metaphors: The role of Theories of Mind

Whether Theory of Mind (ToM) contributes to metaphor understanding has been largely investigated in language acquisition and decay. Yet we know very little about the role of ToM in real-time processing of metaphors in neurotypical adults. Here, we tested the relationship between ToM and metaphor through Event Related Potentials (ERPs) by capitalizing on the difference between metaphors inviting inferences on physical (Boxers are pandas) vs. mental aspects (Teachers are books). Physical metaphors involved a larger and sustained negativity compared to mental ones. This pattern resembled concreteness effects and suggests that physical metaphors may benefit from both verbal and perceptual information. Moreover, higher scores in the Reading the Mind in the Eyes Test (RMET), but not in the Animation task, were associated with a reduction of the N400 amplitude for both physical and mental metaphors. When exploring the ERP temporal trajectory with Generalized Additive Mixed Modeling, earlier differences between metaphors characterized individuals with higher RMET scores. Among the various ToM components, thus, emotion recognition seems to be involved in the processing of metaphors in general, with an earlier impact on the mental type. These findings highlight the multifaceted nature of metaphor, at the crossroad of language, social and perceptual experience.

The Elephant in the Room: A Systematic Review of Stimulus Control in Neuro-Measurement Studies on Figurative Language Processing

The processing of metaphors and idioms has been the subject of neuroscientific research for several decades. However, results are often contradictory, which can be traced back to inconsistent terminology and stimulus control. In this systematic review of research methods, we analyse linguistic aspects of 116 research papers which used EEG, fMRI, PET, MEG, or NIRS to investigate the neural processing of the two figurative subtypes metaphor and idiom. We critically examine the theoretical foundations as well as stimulus control by performing a systematic literature synthesis according to the PRISMA guidelines. We explicitly do not analyse the findings of the studies but instead focus on four primary aspects: definitions of figurative language and its subtypes, linguistic theory behind the studies, control for factors influencing figurative language processing, and the relationship between theoretical and operational definitions. We found both a lack and a broad variety in existing definitions and operationalisation, especially in regard to familiarity and conventionality. We identify severe obstacles in the comparability and validation potential of the results of the papers in our review corpus. We propose the development of a consensus in fundamental terminology and more transparency in the reporting of stimulus design in the research on figurative language processing.

The Role of Semantic Gender in Name Comprehension: An Event-Related Potentials Study

It is well known that the semantic features of gender associated with peoples' names are represented in the conceptual semantic system. However, there is scant evidence that such knowledge plays a role in name comprehension, and if so, in which processing stage this occurs. The aim of this study was to provide evidence concerning the time course of the activation of semantic gender in the processing of people's names. We recorded event-related potentials when participants saw picture-name pairs. Compared with the gender congruent condition in which the priming picture and Chinese name were matched on gender, names in the gender incongruent condition showed a mismatch effect in the time windows of 300-500 ms and 500-700 ms. These findings illustrate for the first time the activation of semantic gender when processing people's names, and further specify that this access occurs in the stage of name recognition rather than person identification.

The Role of Context in Processing Chinese Three-Character Verb-Object Metaphors: An Event-Related Potential Study

Whether and how context plays a role in metaphor processing remains a controversial issue. One major theory on metaphor comprehension, the graded salience hypothesis (GSH) model, emphasizes salience as the key factor determining the precedence of semantic access. Using event-related potential technique, the present study examined Chinese metaphors to investigate whether the salient meaning is always processed first regardless of context. The experiment employed a Prime-Target-Probe paradigm. Three-character Chinese verb-object metaphors were used as the Target proceeded by one of the three contexts (the Prime): (1) metaphorical context priming the Target's metaphorical meaning, (2) literal context priming the Target's literal meaning, and (3) irrelevant context as the control condition. The Target was then followed by the Probe, which was always related to the Target (except in the filler condition). Forty participants were asked to judge whether the Target and the following Probe were semantically related. The N400 elicited by the Target showed no contextual effect. The N400 amplitude elicited by the Probe was smaller in the metaphorical priming condition compared with the literal priming condition, while the N400 in the irrelevant control condition was between the other two conditions, demonstrating a clear context effect. In addition, an unexpected P240 component also showed the similar graded pattern. Our results mostly support the GSH model, indicating that the salient meaning invariantly gets activated first before the activation of the nonsalient meaning at the lexical access stage. However, context does play a role in a parallel way either facilitating or suppressing this interpretation in the latter meaning integration stage.

ERP Evidence for the Activation of Syntactic Structure During Comprehension of Lexical Idiom

The present study used event-related potentials to investigate whether the syntactic structure was activated in the comprehension of lexical idioms, and if so, whether it varied as a function of familiarity and semantic transparency. Participants were asked to passively read the "1+2" structural Chinese lexical idioms with each being presented following 3-5 contextual "1+2" (congruent-structure condition) or "2+1" structural Chinese phrases (incongruent-structure condition). The N400 ERP responses showed more positivity in congruent-structure condition relative to incongruent-structure condition in idioms with high familiarity and high semantic transparency, but less positivity in congruent-structure condition in idioms with high familiarity but low semantic transparency, idioms with low familiarity but high semantic transparency, and idioms with low familiarity and low semantic transparency. Our results suggest that syntactic structure, as the unnecessarity of lexical idiomatic words, was nevertheless activated, independent of familiarity and semantic transparency.

Event-related potentials indicate context effect in reading ambiguous words

The aim of the study was a comparison of lexical and contextual factors in understanding ambiguous words in German. First, a sample of native speakers selected 56 words having maximally strong differences between a dominant and a subordinate meaning. After this, another sample from the same population was visually presented with sentences that activated dominant or subordinate meanings of the words and were accompanied by probes associated with dominant or subordinate meanings. This resulted in a crossed design with two factors: sentence dominant vs. sentence subordinate and probe dominant vs. probe subordinate. An analysis of event-related brain potentials revealed a large, long-lasting and highly-significant N400 wave whenever the meaning of the probe was incongruent with the meaning of the sentence and the lack of this wave whenever the two meanings were congruent. In the typical N400 space and time, the effect was independent of whether the lexical word meaning was dominant or subordinate. At other sites and times, however (e.g., at lateral frontal electrodes F7/F8, and after 700ms), the congruence effect was significant after dominant sentences only. The data indicate that lexical factors have a rather limited influence on the activation of a particular meaning of ambiguous words. A strong context can virtually override even a very strong difference in the preference for different meanings.

ERP evidence for conceptual mappings and comparison processes during the comprehension of conventional and novel metaphors

Cognitive linguists suggest that understanding metaphors requires activation of conceptual mappings between the involved concepts. We tested whether mappings are indeed in use during metaphor comprehension, and what mapping means as a cognitive process with Event-Related Potentials. Participants read literal, conventional metaphorical, novel metaphorical, and anomalous target sentences preceded by primes with related or unrelated mappings. Experiment 1 used sentence-primes to activate related mappings, and Experiment 2 used simile-primes to induce comparison thinking. In the unprimed conditions of both experiments, metaphors elicited N400s more negative than the literals. In Experiment 1, related sentence-primes reduced the metaphor-literal N400 difference in conventional, but not in novel metaphors. In Experiment 2, related simile-primes reduced the metaphor-literal N400 difference in novel, but not clearly in conventional metaphors. We suggest that mapping as a process occurs in metaphors, and the ways in which it can be facilitated by comparison differ between conventional and novel metaphors.

Distinct neural correlates for pragmatic and semantic meaning processing: an event-related potential investigation of scalar implicature processing using picture-sentence verification

The present study examines the brain-level representation and composition of meaning in scalar quantifiers (e.g., some), which have both a semantic meaning (at least one) and a pragmatic meaning (not all). We adopted a picture-sentence verification design to examine event-related potential (ERP) effects of reading infelicitous quantifiers for which the semantic meaning was correct with respect to the context but the pragmatic meaning was not, compared to quantifiers for which the semantic meaning was inconsistent with the context and no additional pragmatic meaning is available. In the first experiment, only pragmatically inconsistent quantifiers, not semantically inconsistent quantifiers, elicited a sustained posterior negative component. This late negativity contrasts with the N400 effect typically elicited by nouns that are incongruent with their context, suggesting that the recognition of scalar implicature errors elicits a qualitatively different ERP signature than the recognition of lexico-semantic errors. We hypothesize that the sustained negativity reflects cancellation of the pragmatic inference and retrieval of the semantic meaning. In our second experiment, we found that the process of re-interpreting the quantifier was independent from lexico-semantic processing: the N400 elicited by lexico-semantic violations was not modulated by the presence of a pragmatic inconsistency. These findings suggest that inferential pragmatic aspects of meaning are processed using different mechanisms than lexical or combinatorial semantic aspects of meaning, that inferential pragmatic meaning can be realized rapidly, and that the computation of meaning involves continuous negotiation between different aspects of meaning.