Same words, different structures: An fMRI investigation of argument relations and the angular gyrus

The cortical representation of transitivity: Insights from tractography-based inhibitory nTMS

Navigated Transcranial Magnetic Stimulation (nTMS) is commonly used to causally identify cortical regions involved in language processing. Combining tractography with nTMS has been shown to increase induced error rates by targeting stimulation of cortical terminations of white matter fibers. According to functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging (fMRI) data, bilateral cortical areas connected by the arcuate fasciculus (AF) have been implicated in the processing of transitive compared to unergative verbs. To test this connection between transitivity and bilateral perisylvian regions, we administered a tractography-based inhibitory nTMS protocol during action naming of finite transitive (The man reads) and unergative (The man sails) verbs. After tracking the left and right AF, we stimulated the cortical terminations of the tract in frontal, parietal and temporal regions in 20 neurologically healthy native speakers of German. Results revealed that nTMS induced more errors during transitive compared to unergative verb naming when stimulating the left (vs right) AF terminations. This effect was specific to the left temporal terminations of the AF, whereas no differences between the two verb types were identified when stimulating inferior parietal and frontal AF terminations. Induced errors for transitive verbs over left temporal terminations mostly manifested as access errors (i.e., hesitations). Given the inhibitory nature of our nTMS protocol, these results suggest that temporal regions of the left hemisphere play a crucial role in argument structure processing. Our findings align with previous data on the role of left posterior temporal regions in language processing and by providing further evidence from a language production experiment using tractography-based inhibitory nTMS.

A low-activity cortical network selectively encodes syntax

Syntax, the abstract structure of language, is a hallmark of human cognition. Despite its importance, its neural underpinnings remain obscured by inherent limitations of non-invasive brain measures and a near total focus on comprehension paradigms. Here, we address these limitations with high-resolution neurosurgical recordings (electrocorticography) and a controlled sentence production experiment. We uncover three syntactic networks that are broadly distributed across traditional language regions, but with focal concentrations in middle and inferior frontal gyri. In contrast to previous findings from comprehension studies, these networks process syntax mostly to the exclusion of words and meaning, supporting a cognitive architecture with a distinct syntactic system. Most strikingly, our data reveal an unexpected property of syntax: it is encoded independent of neural activity levels. We propose that this "low-activity coding" scheme represents a novel mechanism for encoding information, reserved for higher-order cognition more broadly.

Electrophysiological hallmarks for event relations and event roles in working memory

The ability to maintain events (i.e., interactions between/among objects) in working memory is crucial for our everyday cognition, yet the format of this representation is poorly understood. The current ERP study was designed to answer two questions: How is maintaining events (e.g., the tiger hit the lion) neurally different from maintaining item coordinations (e.g., the tiger and the lion)? That is, how is the event relation (present in events but not coordinations) represented? And how is the agent, or initiator of the event encoded differently from the patient, or receiver of the event during maintenance? We used a novel picture-sentence match-across-delay approach in which the working memory representation was "pinged" during the delay, replicated across two ERP experiments with Chinese and English materials. We found that maintenance of events elicited a long-lasting late sustained difference in posterior-occipital electrodes relative to non-events. This effect resembled the negative slow wave reported in previous studies of working memory, suggesting that the maintenance of events in working memory may impose a higher cost compared to coordinations. Although we did not observe significant ERP differences associated with pinging the agent vs. the patient during the delay, we did find that the ping appeared to dampen the ongoing sustained difference, suggesting a shift from sustained activity to activity silent mechanisms. These results suggest a new method by which ERPs can be used to elucidate the format of neural representation for events in working memory.

Grammatical Parallelism in Aphasia: A Lesion-Symptom Mapping Study

Sentence structure, or syntax, is potentially a uniquely creative aspect of the human mind. Neuropsychological experiments in the 1970s suggested parallel syntactic production and comprehension deficits in agrammatic Broca's aphasia, thought to result from damage to syntactic mechanisms in Broca's area in the left frontal lobe. This hypothesis was sometimes termed overarching agrammatism, converging with developments in linguistic theory concerning central syntactic mechanisms supporting language production and comprehension. However, the evidence supporting an association among receptive syntactic deficits, expressive agrammatism, and damage to frontal cortex is equivocal. In addition, the relationship among a distinct grammatical production deficit in aphasia, paragrammatism, and receptive syntax has not been assessed. We used lesion-symptom mapping in three partially overlapping groups of left-hemisphere stroke patients to investigate these issues: grammatical production deficits in a primary group of 53 subjects and syntactic comprehension in larger sample sizes (N = 130, 218) that overlapped with the primary group. Paragrammatic production deficits were significantly associated with multiple analyses of syntactic comprehension, particularly when incorporating lesion volume as a covariate, but agrammatic production deficits were not. The lesion correlates of impaired performance of syntactic comprehension were significantly associated with damage to temporal lobe regions, which were also implicated in paragrammatism, but not with the inferior and middle frontal regions implicated in expressive agrammatism. Our results provide strong evidence against the overarching agrammatism hypothesis. By contrast, our results suggest the possibility of an alternative grammatical parallelism hypothesis rooted in paragrammatism and a central syntactic system in the posterior temporal lobe.

Delta-Band Neural Responses to Individual Words Are Modulated by Sentence Processing

To understand language, we need to recognize words and combine them into phrases and sentences. During this process, responses to the words themselves are changed. In a step toward understanding how the brain builds sentence structure, the present study concerns the neural readout of this adaptation. We ask whether low-frequency neural readouts associated with words change as a function of being in a sentence. To this end, we analyzed an MEG dataset by Schoffelen et al. (2019) of 102 human participants (51 women) listening to sentences and word lists, the latter lacking any syntactic structure and combinatorial meaning. Using temporal response functions and a cumulative model-fitting approach, we disentangled delta- and theta-band responses to lexical information (word frequency), from responses to sensory and distributional variables. The results suggest that delta-band responses to words are affected by sentence context in time and space, over and above entropy and surprisal. In both conditions, the word frequency response spanned left temporal and posterior frontal areas; however, the response appeared later in word lists than in sentences. In addition, sentence context determined whether inferior frontal areas were responsive to lexical information. In the theta band, the amplitude was larger in the word list condition ∼100 milliseconds in right frontal areas. We conclude that low-frequency responses to words are changed by sentential context. The results of this study show how the neural representation of words is affected by structural context and as such provide insight into how the brain instantiates compositionality in language.SIGNIFICANCE STATEMENT Human language is unprecedented in its combinatorial capacity: we are capable of producing and understanding sentences we have never heard before. Although the mechanisms underlying this capacity have been described in formal linguistics and cognitive science, how they are implemented in the brain remains to a large extent unknown. A large body of earlier work from the cognitive neuroscientific literature implies a role for delta-band neural activity in the representation of linguistic structure and meaning. In this work, we combine these insights and techniques with findings from psycholinguistics to show that meaning is more than the sum of its parts; the delta-band MEG signal differentially reflects lexical information inside and outside sentence structures.

No evidence of theory of mind reasoning in the human language network

Language comprehension and the ability to infer others' thoughts (theory of mind [ToM]) are interrelated during development and language use. However, neural evidence that bears on the relationship between language and ToM mechanisms is mixed. Although robust dissociations have been reported in brain disorders, brain activations for contrasts that target language and ToM bear similarities, and some have reported overlap. We take another look at the language-ToM relationship by evaluating the response of the language network, as measured with fMRI, to verbal and nonverbal ToM across 151 participants. Individual-participant analyses reveal that all core language regions respond more strongly when participants read vignettes about false beliefs compared to the control vignettes. However, we show that these differences are largely due to linguistic confounds, and no such effects appear in a nonverbal ToM task. These results argue against cognitive and neural overlap between language processing and ToM. In exploratory analyses, we find responses to social processing in the "periphery" of the language network-right-hemisphere homotopes of core language areas and areas in bilateral angular gyri-but these responses are not selectively ToM-related and may reflect general visual semantic processing.

Time-Lagged Multidimensional Pattern Connectivity (TL-MDPC): An EEG/MEG pattern transformation based functional connectivity metric

Functional and effective connectivity methods are essential to study the complex information flow in brain networks underlying human cognition. Only recently have connectivity methods begun to emerge that make use of the full multidimensional information contained in patterns of brain activation, rather than unidimensional summary measures of these patterns. To date, these methods have mostly been applied to fMRI data, and no method allows vertex-to-vertex transformations with the temporal specificity of EEG/MEG data. Here, we introduce time-lagged multidimensional pattern connectivity (TL-MDPC) as a novel bivariate functional connectivity metric for EEG/MEG research. TL-MDPC estimates the vertex-to-vertex transformations among multiple brain regions and across different latency ranges. It determines how well patterns in ROI X at time point tx can linearly predict patterns of ROI Y at time point ty. In the present study, we use simulations to demonstrate TL-MDPC's increased sensitivity to multidimensional effects compared to a unidimensional approach across realistic choices of number of trials and signal-to-noise ratios. We applied TL-MDPC, as well as its unidimensional counterpart, to an existing dataset varying the depth of semantic processing of visually presented words by contrasting a semantic decision and a lexical decision task. TL-MDPC detected significant effects beginning very early on, and showed stronger task modulations than the unidimensional approach, suggesting that it is capable of capturing more information. With TL-MDPC only, we observed rich connectivity between core semantic representation (left and right anterior temporal lobes) and semantic control (inferior frontal gyrus and posterior temporal cortex) areas with greater semantic demands. TL-MDPC is a promising approach to identify multidimensional connectivity patterns, typically missed by unidimensional approaches.

Verb and sentence processing with TMS: A systematic review and meta-analysis

Transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS) has provided relevant evidence regarding the neural correlates of language. The aim of the present study is to summarize and assess previous findings regarding linguistic levels (i.e., semantic and morpho-syntactic) and brain structures utilized during verb and sentence processing. To do that, we systematically reviewed TMS research on verb and sentence processing in healthy speakers, and meta-analyzed TMS-induced effects according to the region of stimulation and experimental manipulation. Findings from 45 articles show that approximately half of the reviewed work focuses on the embodiment of action verbs. The majority of studies (60%) target only one cortical region in relation to a specific linguistic process. Frontal areas are most frequently stimulated in connection to morphosyntactic processes and action verb semantics, and temporoparietal regions in relation to integration of sentential meaning and thematic role assignment. A meta-analysis of 72 effect sizes of the reviewed papers indicates that TMS has a small overall effect size, but effect sizes for anterior compared to posterior regions do not differ for semantic or morphosyntactic contrasts. Our findings stress the need to increase the number of targeted areas, while using the same linguistic contrasts in order to disentangle the contributions of different cortical regions to distinct linguistic processes.

Altered Default Mode Network Functional Connectivity in Parkinson’s Disease: A Resting-State Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging Study

Purpose

Whether the intrinsic functional connectivity pattern of the default mode network (DMN) is involved in the progression of cognitive decline in Parkinson’s disease (PD) remains unclear. This study aimed to investigate the intrinsic functional connectivity (FC) pattern of the DMN anchored on the posterior cingulate cortex (PCC) in patients with PD by resting-state functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI).

Methods

Fifty patients with PD and 50 healthy controls (HCs) were included for resting-state fMRI scanning. A seed-based FC method was used to reveal FC patterns in the DMN with region of interest (ROI) in the PCC. Relationships between FC patterns and disease severity (UPDRS-III) were detected.

Results

Compared with the HCs, the patients with PD showed increased FC between the PCC and the right precuneus, left cuneus, and right angular gyrus. In the PD group, the increased FC values in the right precuneus were significantly and positively correlated with motor severity as assessed with UPDRS-III scores (rho = 0.337, p = 0.02).

Conclusion

Our result highlights that the patients with PD showed increased FC between the PCC and the right precuneus, left cuneus, and right angular gyrus in the DMN. The altered connectivity pattern in the DMN may play a crucial role in the neurophysiological mechanism of cognitive decline in patients with PD. These findings might provide new insights into neural mechanisms of cognitive decline in PD.

Lexical Frequency and Sentence Context Influence the Brain's Response to Single Words

Typical adults read remarkably quickly. Such fast reading is facilitated by brain processes that are sensitive to both word frequency and contextual constraints. It is debated as to whether these attributes have additive or interactive effects on language processing in the brain. We investigated this issue by analysing existing magnetoencephalography data from 99 participants reading intact and scrambled sentences. Using a cross-validated model comparison scheme, we found that lexical frequency predicted the word-by-word elicited MEG signal in a widespread cortical network, irrespective of sentential context. In contrast, index (ordinal word position) was more strongly encoded in sentence words, in left front-temporal areas. This confirms that frequency influences word processing independently of predictability, and that contextual constraints affect word-by-word brain responses. With a conservative multiple comparisons correction, only the interaction between lexical frequency and surprisal survived, in anterior temporal and frontal cortex, and not between lexical frequency and entropy, nor between lexical frequency and index. However, interestingly, the uncorrected index × frequency interaction revealed an effect in left frontal and temporal cortex that reversed in time and space for intact compared to scrambled sentences. Finally, we provide evidence to suggest that, in sentences, lexical frequency and predictability may independently influence early (<150 ms) and late stages of word processing, but also interact during late stages of word processing (>150-250 ms), thus helping to converge previous contradictory eye-tracking and electrophysiological literature. Current neurocognitive models of reading would benefit from accounting for these differing effects of lexical frequency and predictability on different stages of word processing.

The role of left angular gyrus in the representation of linguistic composition relations

Language comprehension is compositional: individual words are combined structurally to form larger meaning representations. The neural basis for compositionality is at the center of a growing body of recent research. Previous work has largely used univariate analysis to investigate the question, a technique that could potentially lead to the loss of fined‐grained information due to the procedure of averaging over neural responses. In a functional magnetic resonance imaging experiment, the present study examined different types of composition relations in Chinese phrases, using a 1‐back composition relation probe (CRP) task and a 1‐back word probe (WP) task. We first analyzed the data using the multivariate representation similarity analysis, which better captures the fine‐grained representational differences in the stimuli. The results showed that the left angular gyrus (AG) represents different types of composition relations in the CRP task, but no brain areas were identified in the WP task. We also conducted a traditional univariate analysis and found greater activations in the bilateral inferior frontal gyrus in the CRP task relative to the WP task. We discuss the methodological and theoretical implications of our findings in the context of the larger language neural network identified in previous studies. Our findings highlight the role of left AG in representing and distinguishing fine‐grained linguistic composition relations.

Disentangling Semantic Composition and Semantic Association in the Left Temporal Lobe

Although composing two words into a complex representation (e.g., "coffee cake") is conceptually different from forming associations between a pair of words (e.g., "coffee, cake"), the brain regions supporting semantic composition have also been implicated for associative encoding. Here, we adopted a two-word magnetoencephalography (MEG) paradigm which varies compositionality ("French/Korean cheese" vs "France/Korea cheese") and strength of association ("France/French cheese" vs "Korea/Korean cheese") between the two words. We collected MEG data while 42 English speakers (24 females) viewed the two words successively in the scanner, and we applied both univariate regression analyses and multivariate pattern classification to the source estimates of the two words. We show that the left anterior temporal lobe (LATL) and left middle temporal lobe (LMTL) are distinctively modulated by semantic composition and semantic association. Specifically, the LATL is mostly sensitive to high-association compositional phrases, while the LMTL responds more to low-association compositional phrases. Pattern-based directed connectivity analyses further revealed a continuous information flow from the anterior to the middle temporal region, suggesting that the integration of adjective and noun properties originated earlier in the LATL is consistently delivered to the LMTL when the complex meaning is newly encountered. Taken together, our findings shed light into a functional dissociation within the left temporal lobe for compositional and distributional semantic processing.SIGNIFICANCE STATEMENT Prior studies on semantic composition and associative encoding have been conducted independently within the subfields of language and memory, and they typically adopt similar two-word experimental paradigms. However, no direct comparison has been made on the neural substrates of the two processes. The current study relates the two streams of literature, and appeals to audiences in both subfields within cognitive neuroscience. Disentangling the neural computations for semantic composition and association also offers insight into modeling compositional and distributional semantics, which has been the subject of much discussion in natural language processing and cognitive science.

How the conceptual specificity of individual words affects incremental sentence composition: MEG evidence

While much research has addressed the neural basis of lexical access and the composition of lexical items into larger meanings, little is known about how the semantic properties of individual words affect composition. Research on modifier-noun combinations has, however, shown that composition related activity in the left anterior temporal lobe (LATL) is sensitive to the conceptual specificity of the composing words. Here we tested whether this pattern extends to verb-argument combinations in minimal subject-verb-object sentences. If the LATL specificity effects extend to verb-argument integration, this would suggest a general mechanism that composes not only entity concepts, but also propositions describing events. Results showed an overall similar modulation by conceptual specificity in the verb domain, suggesting a central, category-insensitive, role for the LATL as a conceptual combiner. Additionally, we saw specificity effects in the left mid-superior temporal cortex, but the angular gyrus, often hypothesized as combinatory, showed no effects of composition.

Compositionality in a Parallel Architecture for Language Processing

Compositionality has been a central concept in linguistics and philosophy for decades, and it is increasingly prominent in many other areas of cognitive science. Its status, however, remains contentious. Here, I reassess the nature and scope of the principle of compositionality (Partee, 1995) from the perspective of psycholinguistics and cognitive neuroscience. First, I review classic arguments for compositionality and conclude that they fail to establish compositionality as a property of human language. Next, I state a new competence argument, acknowledging the fact that any competent user of a language L can assign to most expressions in L at least one meaning which is a function only of the meanings of the expression's parts and of its syntactic structure. I then discuss selected results from cognitive neuroscience, indicating that the human brain possesses the processing capacities presupposed by the competence argument. Finally, I outline a language processing architecture consistent with the neuroscience results, where semantic representations may be generated by a syntax-driven stream and by an "asyntactic" processing stream, jointly or independently. Compositionality is viewed as a constraint on computation in the former stream only.

Lists with and without Syntax: A New Approach to Measuring the Neural Processing of Syntax

In the neurobiology of syntax, a methodological challenge is to vary syntax while holding semantics constant. Changes in syntactic structure usually correlate with changes in meaning. We approached this challenge from a new angle. We deployed word lists-typically, the unstructured control in studies of syntax-as both test and control stimuli. Three-noun lists ("lamps, dolls, guitars") were embedded in sentences ("The eccentric man hoarded lamps, dolls, guitars…") and in longer lists ("forks, pen, toilet, rodeo, lamps, dolls, guitars…"). This allowed us to minimize contributions from lexical semantics and local phrasal combinatorics: the same words occurred in both conditions, and in neither case did the list items locally compose into phrases (e.g., "lamps" and "dolls" do not form a phrase). Crucially, the list partakes in a syntactic tree in one case but not the other. Lists-in-sentences increased source-localized MEG activity at ∼250-300 ms from each of the list item onsets in the left inferior frontal cortex, at ∼300-350 ms in the left anterior temporal lobe and, most reliably, at ∼330-400 ms in left posterior temporal cortex. In contrast, the main effects of semantic association strength, which we also varied, localized in the left temporoparietal cortex, with high associations increasing activity at ∼400 ms. This dissociation offers a novel characterization of the structure versus word meaning contrast in the brain: the frontotemporal network that is familiar from studies of sentence processing can be driven by the sheer presence of global sentence structure, while associative semantics has a more posterior neural signature.SIGNIFICANCE STATEMENT Human languages all have a syntax, which both enables the infinitude of linguistic creativity and determines what is grammatical in a language. The neurobiology of syntactic processing has, however, been challenging to characterize despite decades of study. One reason is pure manipulations of syntax are difficult to design. The approach here offers a novel control of two variables that are notoriously hard to keep constant when syntax is manipulated: word meaning and phrasal combinatorics. The same noun lists occurred inside longer lists and sentences, while semantic associations also varied. Our MEG results show that classic frontotemporal language regions can be driven by sentence structure even when local semantic contributions are absent. In contrast, the left temporoparietal junction tracks associative relationships.

Differential contributions of left-hemispheric language regions to basic semantic composition

Semantic composition, the ability to combine single words to form complex meanings, is a core feature of human language. Despite growing interest in the basis of semantic composition, the neural correlates and the interaction of regions within this network remain a matter of debate. We designed a well-controlled two-word fMRI paradigm in which phrases only differed along the semantic dimension while keeping syntactic information alike. Healthy participants listened to meaningful ("fresh apple"), anomalous ("awake apple") and pseudoword phrases ("awake gufel") while performing an implicit and an explicit semantic task. We identified neural signatures for distinct processes during basic semantic composition. When lexical information is kept constant across conditions and the evaluation of phrasal plausibility is examined (meaningful vs. anomalous phrases), a small set of mostly left-hemispheric semantic regions, including the anterior part of the left angular gyrus, is found active. Conversely, when the load of lexical information-independently of phrasal plausibility-is varied (meaningful or anomalous vs. pseudoword phrases), conceptual combination involves a wide-spread left-hemispheric network comprising executive semantic control regions and general conceptual representation regions. Within this network, the functional coupling between the left anterior inferior frontal gyrus, the bilateral pre-supplementary motor area and the posterior angular gyrus specifically increases for meaningful phrases relative to pseudoword phrases. Stronger effects in the explicit task further suggest task-dependent neural recruitment. Overall, we provide a separation between distinct nodes of the semantic network, whose functional contributions depend on the type of compositional process under analysis.

A Unifying Account of Angular Gyrus Contributions to Episodic and Semantic Cognition

The angular gyrus (AG) region of lateral parietal cortex has been implicated in a wide variety of tasks and functions, generating numerous influential theories. However, these theories largely fail to explain why so many apparently distinct cognitive activities implicate common parietal structures. We propose a unifying model, based on a set of central principles, to account for coalescences of cognitive task activations across AG. To illustrate the proposed framework, we show how these principles account for findings from studies of episodic and semantic memory that have independently implicated the same AG regions but thus far been considered from largely domain-specific perspectives. We conclude that AG computations, as part of a wider lateral parietal system, enable the online dynamic buffering of multisensory spatiotemporally extended representations.

Syntax-Sensitive Regions of the Posterior Inferior Frontal Gyrus and the Posterior Temporal Lobe Are Differentially Recruited by Production and Perception

Matchin and Hickok (2020) proposed that the left posterior inferior frontal gyrus (PIFG) and the left posterior temporal lobe (PTL) both play a role in syntactic processing, broadly construed, attributing distinct functions to these regions with respect to production and perception. Consistent with this hypothesis, functional dissociations between these regions have been demonstrated with respect to lesion-symptom mapping in aphasia. However, neuroimaging studies of syntactic comprehension typically show similar activations in these regions. In order to identify whether these regions show distinct activation patterns with respect to syntactic perception and production, we performed an fMRI study contrasting the subvocal articulation and perception of structured jabberwocky phrases (syntactic), sequences of real words (lexical), and sequences of pseudowords (phonological). We defined two sets of language-selective regions of interest (ROIs) in individual subjects for the PIFG and the PTL using the contrasts [syntactic > lexical] and [syntactic > phonological]. We found robust significant interactions of comprehension and production between these 2 regions at the syntactic level, for both sets of language-selective ROIs. This suggests a core difference in the function of these regions with respect to production and perception, consistent with the lesion literature.

Speaking in the Brain: The Interaction between Words and Syntax in Sentence Production

This neuroimaging study investigated the neural infrastructure of sentence-level language production. We compared brain activation patterns, as measured with BOLD-fMRI, during production of sentences that differed in verb argument structures (intransitives, transitives, ditransitives) and the lexical status of the verb (known verbs or pseudoverbs). The experiment consisted of 30 mini-blocks of six sentences each. Each mini-block started with an example for the type of sentence to be produced in that block. On each trial in the mini-blocks, participants were first given the (pseudo-)verb followed by three geometric shapes to serve as verb arguments in the sentences. Production of sentences with known verbs yielded greater activation compared to sentences with pseudoverbs in the core language network of the left inferior frontal gyrus, the left posterior middle temporal gyrus, and a more posterior middle temporal region extending into the angular gyrus, analogous to effects observed in language comprehension. Increasing the number of verb arguments led to greater activation in an overlapping left posterior middle temporal gyrus/angular gyrus area, particularly for known verbs, as well as in the bilateral precuneus. Thus, producing sentences with more complex structures using existing verbs leads to increased activation in the language network, suggesting some reliance on memory retrieval of stored lexical-syntactic information during sentence production. This study thus provides evidence from sentence-level language production in line with functional models of the language network that have so far been mainly based on single-word production, comprehension, and language processing in aphasia.

The neural basis of combinatory syntax and semantics

Human language allows us to create an infinitude of ideas from a finite set of basic building blocks. What is the neurobiology of this combinatory system? Research has begun to dissect the neural basis of natural language syntax and semantics by analyzing the basics of meaning composition, such as two-word phrases. This work has revealed a system of composition that involves rapidly peaking activity in the left anterior temporal lobe and later engagement of the medial prefrontal cortex. Both brain regions show evidence of shared processing between comprehension and production, as well as between spoken and signed language. Both appear to compute meaning, not syntactic structure. This Review discusses how language builds meaning and lays out directions for future neurobiological research on the combinatory system.

Dissociation between frontal and temporal-parietal contributions to connected speech in acute stroke

Humans are uniquely able to retrieve and combine words into syntactic structure to produce connected speech. Previous identification of focal brain regions necessary for production focused primarily on associations with the content produced by speakers with chronic stroke, where function may have shifted to other regions after reorganization occurred. Here, we relate patterns of brain damage with deficits to the content and structure of spontaneous connected speech in 52 speakers during the acute stage of a left hemisphere stroke. Multivariate lesion behaviour mapping demonstrated that damage to temporal-parietal regions impacted the ability to retrieve words and produce them within increasingly complex combinations. Damage primarily to inferior frontal cortex affected the production of syntactically accurate structure. In contrast to previous work, functional-anatomical dissociations did not depend on lesion size likely because acute lesions were smaller than typically found in chronic stroke. These results are consistent with predictions from theoretical models based primarily on evidence from language comprehension and highlight the importance of investigating individual differences in brain-language relationships in speakers with acute stroke.