More than a boundary shift: Perceptual adaptation to foreign-accented speech reshapes the internal structure of phonetic categories

Social Priming: Exploring the Effects of Speaker Race and Ethnicity on Perception of Second Language Accents

Listeners use more than just acoustic information when processing speech. Social information, such as a speaker's perceived race or ethnicity, can also affect the processing of the speech signal, in some cases facilitating perception ("social priming"). We aimed to replicate and extend this line of inquiry, examining effects of multiple social primes (i.e., a Middle Eastern, White, or East Asian face, or a control silhouette image) on the perception of Mandarin Chinese-accented English and Arabic-accented English. By including uncommon priming combinations (e.g., a Middle Eastern prime for a Mandarin accent), we aimed to test the specificity of social primes: For example, can a Middle Eastern face facilitate perception of both Arabic-accented English and Mandarin-accented English? Contrary to our predictions, our results indicated no facilitative social priming effects for either of the second language (L2) accents. Results for our examination of specificity were mixed. Trends in the data indicated that the combination of an East Asian prime with Arabic accent resulted in lower accuracy as compared with a White prime, but the combination of a Middle Eastern prime with a Mandarin accent did not (and may have actually benefited listeners to some degree). We conclude that the specificity of priming effects may depend on listeners' level of familiarity with a given accent and/or racial/ethnic group and that the mixed outcomes in the current work motivate further inquiries to determine whether social priming effects for L2-accented speech may be smaller than previously hypothesized and/or highly dependent on listener experience.

From first encounters to longitudinal exposure: a repeated exposure-test paradigm for monitoring speech adaptation

Perceptual difficulty with an unfamiliar accent can dissipate within short time scales (e.g., within minutes), reflecting rapid adaptation effects. At the same time, long-term familiarity with an accent is also known to yield stable perceptual benefits. However, whether the long-term effects reflect sustained, cumulative progression from shorter-term adaptation remains unknown. To fill this gap, we developed a web-based, repeated exposure-test paradigm. In this paradigm, short test blocks alternate with exposure blocks, and this exposure-test sequence is repeated multiple times. This design allows for the testing of adaptive speech perception both (a) within the first moments of encountering an unfamiliar accent and (b) over longer time scales such as days and weeks. In addition, we used a Bayesian ideal observer approach to select natural speech stimuli that increase the statistical power to detect adaptation. The current report presents results from a first application of this paradigm, investigating changes in the recognition accuracy of Mandarin-accented speech by native English listeners over five sessions spanning 3 weeks. We found that the recognition of an accent feature (a syllable-final /d/, as in feed, sounding/t/-like) improved steadily over the three-week period. Unexpectedly, however, the improvement was seen with or without exposure to the accent. We discuss possible reasons for this result and implications for conducting future longitudinal studies with repeated exposure and testing.

Exploring effects of social information on talker-independent accent adaptation

The present study examined whether race information about speakers can promote rapid and generalizable perceptual adaptation to second-language accent. First-language English listeners were presented with Cantonese-accented English sentences in speech-shaped noise during a training session with three intermixed talkers, followed by a test session with a novel (i.e., fourth) talker. Participants were assigned to view either three East Asian or three White faces during training, corresponding to each speaker. Results indicated no effect of the social priming manipulation on the training or test sessions, although both groups performed better at test than a control group.

Perceptual adaptation to a novel accent: Phonetic category expansion or category shift?

Listeners can rapidly adapt to an unfamiliar accent. For example, following exposure to a speaker whose /f/ sound is ambiguous between [s] and [f], they categorize more sounds along an [s]-[f] phonetic continuum as /f/. We investigated the adaptation mechanism underlying such perceptual changes-do listeners shift the target sound in phonetic space (category shift), or do they adopt a more general mechanism of broadening the category (category expansion)? In experiment 1, we trained listeners on an accent containing ambiguous /θ/ = [θ/s] and then tested them on categorizing phonetic continua spanning [θ]-[s] or [θ]-[f]. Listeners tested on the [θ]-[s] continua showed a significant increase in proportion of /θ/ responses vs controls, while those tested on [θ]-[f] did not. Experiment 2 investigated how acoustic-phonetic similarity may modulate the mechanism underlying recalibration. Listeners were trained on the same /θ/ = [θ/s] accent as in experiment 1 but were tested on a different continuum, [θ]-[ʃ]. This time, trained listeners showed a significant increase in proportion of /θ/ responses with the novel phonetic contrast. This suggests that phonetic recalibration involves some degree of non-uniform category expansion, constrained by phonetic similarity between training and test sounds.

Using Rational Models to Interpret the Results of Experiments on Accent Adaptation

Exposure to unfamiliar non-native speech tends to improve comprehension. One hypothesis holds that listeners adapt to non-native-accented speech through distributional learning—by inferring the statistics of the talker's phonetic cues. Models based on this hypothesis provide a good fit to incremental changes after exposure to atypical native speech. These models have, however, not previously been applied to non-native accents, which typically differ from native speech in many dimensions. Motivated by a seeming failure to replicate a well-replicated finding from accent adaptation, we use ideal observers to test whether our results can be understood solely based on the statistics of the relevant cue distributions in the native- and non-native-accented speech. The simple computational model we use for this purpose can be used predictively by other researchers working on similar questions. All code and data are shared.

Cross-talker generalization in the perception of nonnative speech: A large-scale replication

Speech perception depends on the ability to generalize previously experienced input effectively across talkers. How such cross-talker generalization is achieved has remained an open question. In a seminal study, Bradlow & Bent (2008, henceforth BB08) found that exposure to just 5 min of accented speech can elicit improved recognition that generalizes to an unfamiliar talker of the same accent (N = 70 participants). Cross-talker generalization was, however, only observed after exposure to multiple talkers of the accent, not after exposure to a single accented talker. This contrast between single- and multitalker exposure has been highly influential beyond research on speech perception, suggesting a critical role of exposure variability in learning and generalization. We assess the replicability of BB08's findings in two large-scale perception experiments (total N = 640) including 20 unique combinations of exposure and test talkers. Like BB08, we find robust evidence for cross-talker generalization after multitalker exposure. Unlike BB08, we also find evidence for generalization after single-talker exposure. The degree of cross-talker generalization depends on the specific combination of exposure and test talker. This and other recent findings suggest that exposure to cross-talker variability is not necessary for cross-talker generalization. Variability during exposure might affect generalization only indirectly, mediated through the informativeness of exposure about subsequent speech during test: Similarity-based inferences can explain both the original BB08 and the present findings. We present Bayesian data analysis, including Bayesian meta-analyses and replication tests for generalized linear mixed models. All data, stimuli, and reproducible literate (R markdown) code are shared via OSF. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

Individual Differences in Phonetic Plasticity Across Native and Nonnative Contexts

Purpose Individuals vary in their ability to learn the sound categories of nonnative languages (nonnative phonetic learning) and to adapt to systematic differences, such as accent or talker differences, in the sounds of their native language (native phonetic learning). Difficulties with both native and nonnative learning are well attested in people with speech and language disorders relative to healthy controls, but substantial variability in these skills is also present in the typical population. This study examines whether this individual variability can be organized around a common ability that we label "phonetic plasticity." Method A group of healthy young adult participants (N = 80), who attested they had no history of speech, language, neurological, or hearing deficits, completed two tasks of nonnative phonetic category learning, two tasks of learning to cope with variation in their native language, and seven tasks of other cognitive functions, distributed across two sessions. Performance on these 11 tasks was compared, and exploratory factor analysis was used to assess the extent to which performance on each task was related to the others. Results Performance on both tasks of native learning and an explicit task of nonnative learning patterned together, suggesting that native and nonnative phonetic learning tasks rely on a shared underlying capacity, which is termed "phonetic plasticity." Phonetic plasticity was also associated with vocabulary, comprehension of words in background noise, and, more weakly, working memory. Conclusions Nonnative sound learning and native language speech perception may rely on shared phonetic plasticity. The results suggest that good learners of native language phonetic variation are also good learners of nonnative phonetic contrasts. Supplemental Material https://doi.org/10.23641/asha.16606778.

Individual Differences in Lexical Contributions to Speech Perception

Purpose The extant literature suggests that individual differences in speech perception can be linked to broad receptive language phenotype. For example, a recent study found that individuals with a smaller receptive vocabulary showed diminished lexically guided perceptual learning compared to individuals with a larger receptive vocabulary. Here, we examined (a) whether such individual differences stem from variation in reliance on lexical information or variation in perceptual learning itself and (b) whether a relationship exists between lexical recruitment and lexically guided perceptual learning more broadly, as predicted by current models of lexically guided perceptual learning. Method In Experiment 1, adult participants (n = 70) completed measures of receptive and expressive language ability, lexical recruitment, and lexically guided perceptual learning. In Experiment 2, adult participants (n = 120) completed the same lexical recruitment and lexically guided perceptual learning tasks to provide a high-powered replication of the primary findings from Experiment 1. Results In Experiment 1, individuals with weaker receptive language ability showed increased lexical recruitment relative to individuals with higher receptive language ability; however, receptive language ability did not predict the magnitude of lexically guided perceptual learning. Moreover, the results of both experiments converged to show no evidence indicating a relationship between lexical recruitment and lexically guided perceptual learning. Conclusion The current findings suggest that (a) individuals with weaker language ability demonstrate increased reliance on lexical information for speech perception compared to those with stronger receptive language ability; (b) individuals with weaker language ability maintain an intact perceptual learning mechanism; and, (c) to the degree that the measures used here accurately capture individual differences in lexical recruitment and lexically guided perceptual learning, there is no graded relationship between these two constructs.

Comparative Acoustic Analyses of L2 English: The Search for Systematic Variation

BACKGROUND/AIMS

Previous research has shown that exposure to multiple foreign accents facilitates adaptation to an untrained novel accent. One explanation is that L2 speech varies systematically such that there are commonalities in the productions of nonnative speakers, regardless of their language background.

METHODS

A systematic acoustic comparison was conducted between 3 native English speakers and 6 nonnative accents. Voice onset time, unstressed vowel duration, and formant values of stressed and unstressed vowels were analyzed, comparing each nonnative accent to the native English talkers. A subsequent perception experiment tests what effect training on regionally accented voices has on the participant's comprehension of nonnative accented speech to investigate the importance of within-speaker variation on attunement and generalization.

RESULTS

Data for each measure show substantial variability across speakers, reflecting phonetic transfer from individual L1s, as well as substantial inconsistency and variability in pronunciation, rather than commonalities in their productions. Training on native English varieties did not improve participants' accuracy in understanding nonnative speech.

CONCLUSION

These findings are more consistent with a hypothesis of accent attune-ment wherein listeners track general patterns of nonnative speech rather than relying on overlapping acoustic signals between speakers.

Comparing non-native and native speech: Are L2 productions more variable?

Foreign-accented speech of second language learners is often difficult to understand for native listeners of that language. Part of this difficulty has been hypothesized to be caused by increased within-category variability of non-native speech. However, until recently, there have been few direct tests for this hypothesis. The realization of vowels and word-final stops in productions of native-English L1 speakers and native-Mandarin speakers of L2 English is compared. With the largest sample size to date, it is shown that at least proficient non-native speakers exhibit little or no difference in category variability compared to native speakers. This is shown while correcting for the effects of phonetic context. The same non-native speakers show substantial deviations from native speech in the central tendencies (means) of categories, as well as in the correlations among cues they produce. This relativizes a common and a priori plausible assumption that competition between first and second language representations necessarily leads to increased variability-or, equivalently, decreased precision, consistency, and stability-of non-native speech. Instead, effects of non-nativeness on category variability are category- and cue-specific.

Talker-specific pronunciation or speech error? Discounting (or not) atypical pronunciations during speech perception

Perceptual recalibration allows listeners to adapt to talker-specific pronunciations, such as atypical realizations of specific sounds. Such recalibration can facilitate robust speech recognition. However, indiscriminate recalibration following any atypically pronounced words also risks interpreting pronunciations as characteristic of a talker that are in reality because of incidental, short-lived factors (such as a speech error). We investigate whether the mechanisms underlying perceptual recalibration involve inferences about the causes for unexpected pronunciations. In 5 experiments, we ask whether perceptual recalibration is blocked if the atypical pronunciations of an unfamiliar talker can also be attributed to other incidental causes. We investigated 3 type of incidental causes for atypical pronunciations: the talker is intoxicated, the talker speaks unusually fast, or the atypical pronunciations occur only in the context of tongue twisters. In all 5 experiments, we find robust evidence for perceptual recalibration, but little evidence that the presence of incidental causes block perceptual recalibration. We discuss these results in light of other recent findings that incidental causes can block perceptual recalibration. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

The Goldilocks Zone of Perceptual Learning

BACKGROUND/AIMS

Lexically guided perceptual learning in speech is the updating of linguistic categories based on novel input disambiguated by the structure provided in a recognized lexical item. We test the range of variation that allows for perceptual learning by presenting listeners with items that vary from subtle within-category variation to fully remapped cross-category variation.

METHODS

Experiment 1 uses a lexically guided perceptual learning paradigm with words containing noncanonical /s/ realizations from s/ʃ continua that correspond to "typical," "ambiguous," "atypical," and "remapped" steps. Perceptual learning is tested in an s/ʃ categorization task. Experiment 2 addresses listener sensitivity to variation in the exposure items using AX discrimination tasks.

RESULTS

Listeners in experiment 1 showed perceptual learning with the maximally ambiguous tokens. Performance of listeners in experiment 2 suggests that tokens which showed the most perceptual learning were not perceptually salient on their own.

CONCLUSION

These results demonstrate that perceptual learning is enhanced with maximally ambiguous stimuli. Excessively atypical pronunciations show attenuated perceptual learning, while typical pronunciations show no evidence for perceptual learning. AX discrimination illustrates that the maximally ambiguous stimuli are not perceptually unique. Together, these results suggest that perceptual learning relies on an interplay between confidence in phonetic and lexical predictions and category typicality.

Lexically guided perceptual learning is robust to task-based changes in listening strategy

Listeners use lexical information to resolve ambiguity in the speech signal, resulting in the restructuring of speech sound categories. Recent findings suggest that lexically guided perceptual learning is attenuated when listeners use a perception-focused listening strategy (that directs attention towards surface variation) compared to when listeners use a comprehension-focused listening strategy (that directs attention towards higher-level linguistic information). However, previous investigations used the word position of the ambiguity to manipulate listening strategy, raising the possibility that attenuated learning reflected decreased strength of lexical recruitment instead of a perception-oriented listening strategy. The current work tests this hypothesis. Listeners completed an exposure phase followed by a test phase. During exposure, listeners heard an ambiguous fricative embedded in word-medial lexical contexts that supported realization of the ambiguity as /∫/. At test, listeners categorized members of an /ɑsi/-/ɑ∫i/ continuum. Listening strategy was manipulated via exposure task (experiment 1) and explicit acknowledgement of the ambiguity (experiment 2). Compared to control participants, listeners who were exposed to the ambiguity showed more /∫/ responses at the test; critically, the magnitude of learning did not differ across listening strategy conditions. These results suggest that given sufficient lexical context, lexically guided perceptual learning is robust to task-based changes in listening strategy.

Rapid adaptation to foreign-accented speech and its transfer to an unfamiliar talker

How fast can listeners adapt to unfamiliar foreign accents? Clarke and Garrett [J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 116, 3647-3658 (2004)] (CG04) reported that native-English listeners adapted to foreign-accented English within a minute, demonstrating improved processing of spoken words. In two web-based experiments that closely follow the design of CG04, the effects of rapid accent adaptation are examined and its generalization is explored across talkers. Experiment 1 replicated the core finding of CG04 that initial perceptual difficulty with foreign-accented speech can be attenuated rapidly by a brief period of exposure to an accented talker. Importantly, listeners showed both faster (replicating CG04) and more accurate (extending CG04) comprehension of this talker. Experiment 2 revealed evidence that such adaptation transferred to a different talker of a same accent. These results highlight the rapidity of short-term accent adaptation and raise new questions about the underlying mechanism. It is suggested that the web-based paradigm provides a useful tool for investigations in speech adaptation.

Lexical exposure to native language dialects can improve non-native phonetic discrimination

Nonnative phonetic learning is an area of great interest for language researchers, learners, and educators alike. In two studies, we examined whether nonnative phonetic discrimination of Hindi dental and retroflex stops can be improved by exposure to lexical items bearing the critical nonnative stops. We extend the lexical retuning paradigm of Norris, McQueen, and Cutler (Cognitive Psychology, 47, 204-238, 2003) by having naive American English (AE)-speaking participants perform a pretest-training-posttest procedure. They performed an AXB discrimination task with the Hindi retroflex and dental stops before and after transcribing naturally produced words from an Indian English speaker that either contained these tokens or not. Only those participants who heard words with the critical nonnative phones improved in their posttest discrimination. This finding suggests that exposure to nonnative phones in native lexical contexts supports learning of difficult nonnative phonetic discrimination.

Learning a Talker or Learning an Accent: Acoustic Similarity Constrains Generalization of Foreign Accent Adaptation to New Talkers

Past research has revealed that native listeners use top-down information to adjust the mapping from speech sounds to phonetic categories. Such phonetic adjustments help listeners adapt to foreign-accented speech. However, the mechanism by which talker-specific adaptation generalizes to other talkers is poorly understood. Here we asked what conditions induce crosstalker generalization in talker accent adaptation. Native-English listeners were exposed to Mandarin-accented words, produced by a single talker or multiple talkers. Following exposure, adaptation to the accent was tested by recognition of novel words in a task that assesses online lexical access. Crucially, test words were novel words and were produced by a novel Mandarin-accented talker. Results indicated that regardless of exposure condition (single or multiple talker exposure), generalization was greatest when the talkers were acoustically similar to one another, suggesting that listeners were not developing an accent-wide schema for Mandarin talkers, but rather attuning to the specific acoustic-phonetic properties of the talkers. Implications for general mechanisms of talker generalization in speech adaptation are discussed.

Sleep Facilitates Generalisation of Accent Adaptation to a New Talker

Lexically-guided phonetic retuning helps listeners adapt to the phonetic "fingerprint" of a talker. Previous findings show that listeners can generalise from one accented talker to another accented talker, but only for phonetically similar talkers. We tested whether sleep-mediated consolidation promotes generalisation across accented talkers who are not phonetically similar. Native-English participants were trained on a Mandarin-accented talker and tested on this talker and an untrained Mandarin talker. Experiment 1 showed adaptation for the trained talker and a weak transfer to the untrained talker. In Experiment 2, participants were trained and tested either in the morning (Same-Day group) or evening (Overnight group), and again after twelve hours. Both groups retained talker-specific learning over the 12-hour delay. Importantly, the Overnight group showed improvements for the untrained talker, whereas the Same-Day group's performance on the untrained talker deteriorated. We suggest that sleep facilitated talker generalisation by helping listeners abstract away from specific acoustic properties of the trained talker.