Left posterior temporal cortex is sensitive to syntax within conceptually matched Arabic expressions

Constraining current neuroanatomical models of reading: the view from Arabic

There is a growing interest in imaging understudied orthographies to unravel their neuronal correlates and their implications for existing computational and neuroanatomical models. Here, we review current brain mapping literature about Arabic words. We first offer a succinct description of some unique linguistic features of Arabic that challenge current cognitive models of reading. We then appraise the existing functional neuroimaging studies that investigated written Arabic word processing. Our review revealed that (1) Arabic is still understudied, (2) the most investigated features concerned the effects of vowelling and diglossia in Arabic reading, (3) findings were not always discussed in the light of existing reading models such as the dual route cascaded, the triangle, and the connectionist dual process models, and (4) current evidence is unreliable when it comes to the exact neuronal pathways that sustain Arabic word processing. Overall, despite the fact that Arabic has some unique linguistic features that challenge and ultimately enrich current reading models, the existing functional neuroimaging literature falls short of offering a reliable evidence about brain networks of Arabic reading. We conclude by highlighting the need for more systematic studies of the linguistic features of Arabic to build theoretical and neuroanatomical models that are concurrently specific and general.

Lesion-symptom Mapping of Acceptability Judgments in Chronic Poststroke Aphasia Reveals the Neurobiological Underpinnings of Receptive Syntax

Disagreements persist regarding the neural basis of syntactic processing, which has been linked both to inferior frontal and posterior temporal regions of the brain. One focal point of the debate concerns the role of inferior frontal areas in receptive syntactic ability, which is mostly assessed using sentence comprehension involving complex syntactic structures, a task that is potentially confounded with working memory. Syntactic acceptability judgments may provide a better measure of receptive syntax by reducing the need to use high working memory load and complex sentences and by enabling assessment of various types of syntactic violations. We therefore tested the perception of grammatical violations by people with poststroke aphasia (n = 25), along with matched controls (n = 16), using English sentences involving errors in word order, agreement, or subcategorization. Lesion data were also collected. Control participants performed near ceiling in accuracy with higher discriminability of agreement and subcategorization violations than word order; aphasia participants were less able to discriminate violations, but, on average, paralleled control participants discriminability of types of violations. Lesion-symptom mapping showed a correlation between discriminability and posterior temporal regions, but not inferior frontal regions. We argue that these results diverge from models holding that frontal areas are amodal core regions in syntactic structure building and favor models that posit a core hierarchical system in posterior temporal regions.

How long is long? Word length effects in reading correspond to minimal graphemic units: An MEG study in Bangla

This paper presents a magnetoencephalography (MEG) study on reading in Bangla, an east Indo-Aryan language predominantly written in an abugida script. The study aims to uncover how visual stimuli are processed and mapped onto abstract linguistic representations in the brain. Specifically, we investigate the neural responses that correspond to word length in Bangla, a language with a unique orthography that introduces multiple ways to measure word length. Our results show that MEG signals localised in the anterior left fusiform gyrus, at around 130ms, are highly correlated with word length when measured in terms of the number of minimal graphemic units in the word rather than independent graphemic units (akśar) or phonemes. Our findings suggest that minimal graphemic units could serve as a suitable metric for measuring word length in non-alphabetic orthographies such as Bangla.

Localizing Syntactic Composition with Left-Corner Recurrent Neural Network Grammars

In computational neurolinguistics, it has been demonstrated that hierarchical models such as recurrent neural network grammars (RNNGs), which jointly generate word sequences and their syntactic structures via the syntactic composition, better explained human brain activity than sequential models such as long short-term memory networks (LSTMs). However, the vanilla RNNG has employed the top-down parsing strategy, which has been pointed out in the psycholinguistics literature as suboptimal especially for head-final/left-branching languages, and alternatively the left-corner parsing strategy has been proposed as the psychologically plausible parsing strategy. In this article, building on this line of inquiry, we investigate not only whether hierarchical models like RNNGs better explain human brain activity than sequential models like LSTMs, but also which parsing strategy is more neurobiologically plausible, by developing a novel fMRI corpus where participants read newspaper articles in a head-final/left-branching language, namely Japanese, through the naturalistic fMRI experiment. The results revealed that left-corner RNNGs outperformed both LSTMs and top-down RNNGs in the left inferior frontal and temporal-parietal regions, suggesting that there are certain brain regions that localize the syntactic composition with the left-corner parsing strategy.

Cleaning up the Brickyard: How Theory and Methodology Shape Experiments in Cognitive Neuroscience of Language

The capacity for language is a defining property of our species, yet despite decades of research, evidence on its neural basis is still mixed and a generalized consensus is difficult to achieve. We suggest that this is partly caused by researchers defining "language" in different ways, with focus on a wide range of phenomena, properties, and levels of investigation. Accordingly, there is very little agreement among cognitive neuroscientists of language on the operationalization of fundamental concepts to be investigated in neuroscientific experiments. Here, we review chains of derivation in the cognitive neuroscience of language, focusing on how the hypothesis under consideration is defined by a combination of theoretical and methodological assumptions. We first attempt to disentangle the complex relationship between linguistics, psychology, and neuroscience in the field. Next, we focus on how conclusions that can be drawn from any experiment are inherently constrained by auxiliary assumptions, both theoretical and methodological, on which the validity of conclusions drawn rests. These issues are discussed in the context of classical experimental manipulations as well as study designs that employ novel approaches such as naturalistic stimuli and computational modeling. We conclude by proposing that a highly interdisciplinary field such as the cognitive neuroscience of language requires researchers to form explicit statements concerning the theoretical definitions, methodological choices, and other constraining factors involved in their work.

Grammatical Parallelism in Aphasia: A Lesion-Symptom Mapping Study

Sentence structure, or syntax, is potentially a uniquely creative aspect of the human mind. Neuropsychological experiments in the 1970s suggested parallel syntactic production and comprehension deficits in agrammatic Broca's aphasia, thought to result from damage to syntactic mechanisms in Broca's area in the left frontal lobe. This hypothesis was sometimes termed overarching agrammatism, converging with developments in linguistic theory concerning central syntactic mechanisms supporting language production and comprehension. However, the evidence supporting an association among receptive syntactic deficits, expressive agrammatism, and damage to frontal cortex is equivocal. In addition, the relationship among a distinct grammatical production deficit in aphasia, paragrammatism, and receptive syntax has not been assessed. We used lesion-symptom mapping in three partially overlapping groups of left-hemisphere stroke patients to investigate these issues: grammatical production deficits in a primary group of 53 subjects and syntactic comprehension in larger sample sizes (N = 130, 218) that overlapped with the primary group. Paragrammatic production deficits were significantly associated with multiple analyses of syntactic comprehension, particularly when incorporating lesion volume as a covariate, but agrammatic production deficits were not. The lesion correlates of impaired performance of syntactic comprehension were significantly associated with damage to temporal lobe regions, which were also implicated in paragrammatism, but not with the inferior and middle frontal regions implicated in expressive agrammatism. Our results provide strong evidence against the overarching agrammatism hypothesis. By contrast, our results suggest the possibility of an alternative grammatical parallelism hypothesis rooted in paragrammatism and a central syntactic system in the posterior temporal lobe.

ROSE: A Neurocomputational Architecture for Syntax

A comprehensive model of natural language processing in the brain must accommodate four components: representations, operations, structures and encoding. It further requires a principled account of how these different components mechanistically, and causally, relate to each another. While previous models have isolated regions of interest for structure-building and lexical access, and have utilized specific neural recording measures to expose possible signatures of syntax, many gaps remain with respect to bridging distinct scales of analysis that map onto these four components. By expanding existing accounts of how neural oscillations can index various linguistic processes, this article proposes a neurocomputational architecture for syntax, termed the ROSE model (Representation, Operation, Structure, Encoding). Under ROSE, the basic data structures of syntax are atomic features, types of mental representations (R), and are coded at the single-unit and ensemble level. Elementary computations (O) that transform these units into manipulable objects accessible to subsequent structure-building levels are coded via high frequency broadband γ activity. Low frequency synchronization and cross-frequency coupling code for recursive categorial inferences (S). Distinct forms of low frequency coupling and phase-amplitude coupling (δ-θ coupling via pSTS-IFG; θ-γ coupling via IFG to conceptual hubs in lateral and ventral temporal cortex) then encode these structures onto distinct workspaces (E). Causally connecting R to O is spike-phase/LFP coupling; connecting O to S is phase-amplitude coupling; connecting S to E is a system of frontotemporal traveling oscillations; connecting E back to lower levels is low-frequency phase resetting of spike-LFP coupling. This compositional neural code has important implications for algorithmic accounts, since it makes concrete predictions for the appropriate level of study for psycholinguistic parsing models. ROSE is reliant on neurophysiologically plausible mechanisms, is supported at all four levels by a range of recent empirical research, and provides an anatomically precise and falsifiable grounding for the basic property of natural language syntax: hierarchical, recursive structure-building.

Multiple functions of the angular gyrus at high temporal resolution

Here, the functions of the angular gyrus (AG) are evaluated in the light of current evidence from transcranial magnetic/electric stimulation (TMS/TES) and EEG/MEG studies. 65 TMS/TES and 52 EEG/MEG studies were examined in this review. TMS/TES literature points to a causal role in semantic processing, word and number processing, attention and visual search, self-guided movement, memory, and self-processing. EEG/MEG studies reported AG effects at latencies varying between 32 and 800 ms in a wide range of domains, with a high probability to detect an effect at 300-350 ms post-stimulus onset. A three-phase unifying model revolving around the process of sensemaking is then suggested: (1) early AG involvement in defining the current context, within the first 200 ms, with a bias toward the right hemisphere; (2) attention re-orientation and retrieval of relevant information within 200-500 ms; and (3) cross-modal integration at late latencies with a bias toward the left hemisphere. This sensemaking process can favour accuracy (e.g. for word and number processing) or plausibility (e.g. for comprehension and social cognition). Such functions of the AG depend on the status of other connected regions. The much-debated semantic role is also discussed as follows: (1) there is a strong TMS/TES evidence for a causal semantic role, (2) current EEG/MEG evidence is however weak, but (3) the existing arguments against a semantic role for the AG are not strong. Some outstanding questions for future research are proposed. This review recognizes that cracking the role(s) of the AG in cognition is possible only when its exact contributions within the default mode network are teased apart.

Online neurostimulation of Broca's area does not interfere with syntactic predictions: A combined TMS-EEG approach to basic linguistic combination

Categorical predictions have been proposed as the key mechanism supporting the fast pace of syntactic composition in language. Accordingly, grammar-based expectations are formed-e.g., the determiner "a" triggers the prediction for a noun-and facilitate the analysis of incoming syntactic information, which is then checked against a single or few other word categories. Previous functional neuroimaging studies point towards Broca's area in the left inferior frontal gyrus (IFG) as one fundamental cortical region involved in categorical prediction during incremental language processing. Causal evidence for this hypothesis is however still missing. In this study, we combined Electroencephalography (EEG) and Transcranial Magnetic Stimulation (TMS) to test whether Broca's area is functionally relevant in predictive mechanisms for language. We transiently perturbed Broca's area during the first word in a two-word construction, while simultaneously measuring the Event-Related Potential (ERP) correlates of syntactic composition. We reasoned that if Broca's area is involved in predictive mechanisms for syntax, disruptive TMS during the first word would mitigate the difference in the ERP responses for predicted and unpredicted categories in basic two-word constructions. Contrary to this hypothesis, perturbation of Broca's area at the predictive stage did not affect the ERP correlates of basic composition. The correlation strength between the electrical field induced by TMS and the ERP responses further confirmed this pattern. We discuss the present results considering an alternative account of the role of Broca's area in syntactic composition, namely the bottom-up integration of words into constituents, and of compensatory mechanisms within the language predictive network.

Evoked responses to note onsets and phrase boundaries in Mozart's K448

Understanding the neural correlates of perception of hierarchical structure in music presents a direct window into auditory organization. To examine the hypothesis that high-level and low-level structures—i.e. phrases and notes—elicit different neural responses, we collected intracranial electroencephalography (iEEG) data from eight subjects during exposure to Mozart’s K448 and directly compared Event-related potentials (ERPs) due to note onsets and those elicited by phrase boundaries. Cluster-level permutation tests revealed that note-onset-related ERPs and phrase-boundary-related ERPs were significantly different at \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$$-150$$\end{document}-150, 200, and 450 ms relative to note onset and phrase markers. We also observed increased activity in frontal brain regions when processing phrase boundaries. We relate these observations to (1) a process which syntactically binds notes together hierarchically to form larger phrases; (2) positive emotions induced by successful prediction of forthcoming phrase boundaries and violations of melodic expectations at phrase boundaries.

Semantic and syntactic specialization during auditory sentence processing in 7-8-year-old children

Previous studies indicate that adults show specialized syntactic and semantic processes in both the temporal and frontal lobes during language comprehension. Neuro-cognitive models of language development argue that this specialization appears earlier in the temporal than the frontal lobe. However, there is little evidence supporting this proposed progression. Our recently published study (Wang, Rice, & Booth, 2020), using multivoxel pattern analyses, detected that children as young as 5 to 6 years old exhibit specialization and integration in the temporal lobe, but not the frontal lobe. In the current study, we used the same approach to examine semantic and syntactic specialization in children ages 7 to 8 years old. We found support for semantic specialization in the left middle temporal gyrus (MTG) for correct sentences and in the triangular part of the left inferior frontal gyrus (IFG) for incorrect sentences. We also found that the left superior temporal gyrus (STG) played an integration role and was sensitive to both semantic and syntactic processing during both correct and incorrect sentence processing. However, there was no support for syntactic specialization in 7- to 8-year-old children. As compared to our previous study on 5- to 6-year-old children, which only showed semantic specialization in the temporal lobe, the current study suggests a developmental progression to semantic specialization in the frontal lobe. This project represents an important step forward in testing neuro-cognitive models of language processing in children.

Inflection across Categories: Tracking Abstract Morphological Processing in Language Production with MEG

Coherent language production requires that speakers adapt words to their grammatical contexts. A fundamental challenge in establishing a functional delineation of this process in the brain is that each linguistic process tends to correlate with numerous others. Our work investigated the neural basis of morphological inflection by measuring magnetoencephalography during the planning of inflected and uninflected utterances that varied across several linguistic dimensions. Results reveal increased activity in the left lateral frontotemporal cortex when inflection is planned, irrespective of phonological specification, syntactic context, or semantic type. Additional findings from univariate and connectivity analyses suggest that the brain distinguishes between different types of inflection. Specifically, planning noun and verb utterances requiring the addition of the suffix -s elicited increased activity in the ventral prefrontal cortex. A broadly distributed effect of syntactic context (verb vs. noun) was also identified. Results from representational similarity analysis indicate that this effect cannot be explained in terms of word meaning. Together, these results 1) offer evidence for a neural representation of abstract inflection that separates from other stimulus properties and 2) challenge theories that emphasize semantic content as a source of verb/noun processing differences.