Early Pleistocene cut marked hominin fossil from Koobi Fora, Kenya

Identification of butchery marks on hominin fossils from the early Pleistocene is rare. Our taphonomic investigation of published hominin fossils from the Turkana region of Kenya revealed likely cut marks on KNM-ER 741, a ~ 1.45 Ma proximal hominin left tibia shaft found in the Okote Member of the Koobi Fora Formation. An impression of the marks was created with dental molding material and scanned with a Nanovea white-light confocal profilometer, and the resulting 3-D models were measured and compared with an actualistic database of 898 individual tooth, butchery, and trample marks created through controlled experiments. This comparison confirms the presence of multiple ancient cut marks that are consistent with those produced experimentally. These are to our knowledge the first (and to date only) cut marks identified on an early Pleistocene postcranial hominin fossil.

Evolutionary development of the Homo antecessor scapulae (Gran Dolina site, Atapuerca) suggests a modern-like development for Lower Pleistocene Homo

Two well-preserved, subadult 800 ky scapulae from Gran Dolina belonging to Homo antecessor, provide a unique opportunity to investigate the ontogeny of shoulder morphology in Lower Pleistocene humans. We compared the H. antecessor scapulae with a sample of 98 P. troglodytes and 108 H. sapiens representatives covering seven growth stages, as well as with the DIK-1-1 (Dikika; Australopithecus afarensis), KNM-WT 15000 (Nariokotome; H. ergaster), and MH2 (Malapa; A. sediba) specimens. We quantified 15 landmarks on each scapula and performed geometric morphometric analyses. H. sapiens scapulae are mediolaterally broader with laterally oriented glenoid fossae relative to Pan and Dikika shoulder blades. Accordingly, H. antecessor scapulae shared more morphological affinities with modern humans, KNM-WT 15000, and even MH2. Both H. antecessor and modern Homo showed significantly more positive scapular growth trajectories than Pan (slopes: P. troglodytes = 0.0012; H. sapiens = 0.0018; H. antecessor = 0.0020). Similarities in ontogenetic trajectories between the H. antecessor and modern human data suggest that Lower Pleistocene hominin scapular development was already modern human-like. At the same time, several morphological features distinguish H. antecessor scapulae from modern humans along the entire trajectory. Future studies should include additional Australopithecus specimens for further comparative assessment of scapular growth trends.

A descriptive and comparative study of two Early Pleistocene immature scapulae from the TD6.2 level of the Gran Dolina cave site (Sierra de Atapuerca, Spain)

Here we present the descriptive and comparative study of two immature scapulae recovered from the TD6.2 level of the Gran Dolina cave site (Sierra de Atapuerca, Spain) and assigned to Homo antecessor. This is the first time that data on the morphology and dimensions of the scapulae of a European late Early Pleistocene hominin population are provided. Considering the state of development and the linear dimensions, the scapula ATD6-116 could belong to a child of about 2-4 years. The morphology of ATD6-116 clearly departs from that of the Australopithecus afarensis juvenile specimen DIK-1-1, pointing to functional differences in locomotor behavior between Australopithecus and the late Early Pleistocene hominins. The immature scapula ATD6-118 belonged to an immature individual with a development of the scapula equivalent to that of adolescents of recent human populations. The scapulae ATD6-118 and KNM-WT 15000 present a similar state of development. Although the scapula KNM-WT 15000 is clearly larger than ATD6-118, these two specimens share some characteristics such as their relative narrowness and the value of the axilloglenoid and spinoglenoid angles. The glenoid fossa of ATD6-116 show a lateral orientation, whereas in ATD6-118 the glenoid fossa is slightly cranially oriented, but still within the range of variation of modern humans. The glenoid index of both ATD6-116 and ATD6-118 is low in accordance to the values usually observed in other early hominins, thus showing the primitive condition for this feature. Both scapulae show a ventrally placed axillary sulcus. The presence of this primitive feature in ATD-116 confirms that the shape of the axillary border has a genetic basis and it is not related to physical activity.

The emergence of human warfare: Current perspectives

The origins of warfare have long been of interest for researchers across disciplines. Did our earliest ancestors engage in forms of organized violence that are appropriately viewed as approximations, forms of, or analogs for more recent forms of warfare? Assessed in this article are contrasting views that see warfare as being either a product of more recent human societies or a phenomenon with a much deeper chronology. The article provides an overview of current debates, theories, and methodological approaches, citing literature and data from archaeological, ethnographic, genetic, primatological, and paleoanthropological studies. Synthetic anthropological treatments are needed, especially in efforts to inform debates among nonacademic audiences, because the discipline's approaches are ideally suited to study the origins of warfare. Emphasized is the need to consider possible forms of violence and intergroup aggression within Pleistocene contexts, despite the methodological challenges associated with fragmentary, equivocal, or scarce data. Finally, the review concludes with an argument about the implications of the currently available data. We propose that socially cooperative violence, or "emergent warfare," became possible with the onset of symbolic thought and complex cognition. Viewing emergent warfare as a byproduct of the human capacity for symbolic thought explains how the same capacities for communication and sociality allowed for elaborate peacemaking, conflict resolution, and avoidance. Cultural institutions around war and peace are both made possible by these changes. Accordingly, we suggest that studies on warfare's origins should be tied to research on the advent of cooperation, sociality, and communication.

Shedding light on the Early Pleistocene of TD6 (Gran Dolina, Atapuerca, Spain): The technological sequence and occupational inferences

This paper aims to update the information available on the lithic assemblage from the entire sequence of TD6 now that the most recent excavations have been completed, and to explore possible changes in both occupational patterns and technological strategies evidenced in the unit. This is the first study to analyse the entire TD6 sequence, including subunits TD6.3 and TD6.1, which have never been studied, along with the better-known TD6.2 Homo antecessor-bearing subunit. We also present an analysis of several lithic refits found in TD6, as well as certain technical features that may help characterise the hominin occupations. The archaeo-palaeontological record from TD6 consists of 9,452 faunal remains, 443 coprolites, 1,046 lithic pieces, 170 hominin remains and 91 Celtis seeds. The characteristics of this record seem to indicate two main stages of occupation. In the oldest subunit, TD6.3, the lithic assemblage points to the light and limited hominin occupation of the cave, which does, however, grow over the course of the level. In contrast, the lithic assemblages from TD6.2 and TD6.1 are rich and varied, which may reflect Gran Dolina cave’s establishment as a landmark in the region. Despite the occupational differences between the lowermost subunit and the rest of the deposit, technologically the TD6 lithic assemblage is extremely homogeneous throughout. In addition, the composition and spatial distribution of the 12 groups of lithic refits found in unit TD6, as well as the in situ nature of the assemblage demonstrate the high degree of preservation at the site. This may help clarify the nature of the Early Pleistocene hominin occupations of TD6, and raise reasonable doubt about the latest interpretations that support the ex situ character of the assemblage as a whole.

Assessing the calorific significance of episodes of human cannibalism in the Palaeolithic

Episodes of Palaeolithic cannibalism have frequently been defined as ‘nutritional’ in nature, but with little empirical evidence to assess their dietary significance. This paper presents a nutritional template that offers a proxy calorie value for the human body. When applied to the Palaeolithic record, the template provides a framework for assessing the dietary value of prehistoric cannibalistic episodes compared to the faunal record. Results show that humans have a comparable nutritional value to those faunal species that match our typical body weight, but significantly lower than a range of fauna often found in association with anthropogenically modified hominin remains. This could suggest that the motivations behind hominin anthropophagy may not have been purely nutritionally motivated. It is proposed here that the comparatively low nutritional value of hominin cannibalism episodes support more socially or culturally driven narratives in the interpretation of Palaeolithic cannibalism.

Lethal interpersonal violence in the Middle Pleistocene

Evidence of interpersonal violence has been documented previously in Pleistocene members of the genus Homo, but only very rarely has this been posited as the possible manner of death. Here we report the earliest evidence of lethal interpersonal violence in the hominin fossil record. Cranium 17 recovered from the Sima de los Huesos Middle Pleistocene site shows two clear perimortem depression fractures on the frontal bone, interpreted as being produced by two episodes of localized blunt force trauma. The type of injuries, their location, the strong similarity of the fractures in shape and size, and the different orientations and implied trajectories of the two fractures suggest they were produced with the same object in face-to-face interpersonal conflict. Given that either of the two traumatic events was likely lethal, the presence of multiple blows implies an intention to kill. This finding shows that the lethal interpersonal violence is an ancient human behavior and has important implications for the accumulation of bodies at the site, supporting an anthropic origin.

Modeling trophic resource availability for the first human settlers of Europe: the case of Atapuerca TD6

Food resource availability strongly influences the survival opportunities of all organisms. The effect of animal food resource availability on the survival and dispersal of hominin populations is hotly debated. In this article, we present a mathematical model that provides estimations of the maximum and minimum available resources for secondary consumers in a palaeocommunity. This model provides insights into the intensity of competition and the available niche space for hominins in Europe during the early Galerian (1.2-0.8 Ma). Published data from the Atapuerca TD6 assemblage were used in combination with the model to investigate trophic dynamics and resource availability for a Homo antecessor population 800,000 years ago. The effect on our results of the possible presence at Atapuerca of some large carnivores not recorded in the fossil assemblage is also evaluated. Results indicate the existence of a rich ecosystem at Atapuerca at the end of the Early Pleistocene. Secondary production was abundant enough to maintain a hunter-gatherer population and a rich carnivore guild more diverse than that recorded in the TD6 assemblage. Based on these results, the practice of cannibalism by H. antecessor cannot be explained by a long-term scarcity of resources. High food availability at TD6 implies a low to moderate level of competition for resources between carnivores and humans. According to this interpretation, an empty niche for a highly carnivorous omnivore existed in Europe during the early Galerian, and it was successfully exploited by Homo.

Earliest directly-dated human skull-cups

BACKGROUND

The use of human braincases as drinking cups and containers has extensive historic and ethnographic documentation, but archaeological examples are extremely rare. In the Upper Palaeolithic of western Europe, cut-marked and broken human bones are widespread in the Magdalenian (∼15 to 12,000 years BP) and skull-cup preparation is an element of this tradition.

PRINCIPAL FINDINGS

Here we describe the post-mortem processing of human heads at the Upper Palaeolithic site of Gough's Cave (Somerset, England) and identify a range of modifications associated with the production of skull-cups. New analyses of human remains from Gough's Cave demonstrate the skilled post-mortem manipulation of human bodies. Results of the research suggest the processing of cadavers for the consumption of body tissues (bone marrow), accompanied by meticulous shaping of cranial vaults. The distribution of cut-marks and percussion features indicates that the skulls were scrupulously 'cleaned' of any soft tissues, and subsequently modified by controlled removal of the facial region and breakage of the cranial base along a sub-horizontal plane. The vaults were also 'retouched', possibly to make the broken edges more regular. This manipulation suggests the shaping of skulls to produce skull-cups.

CONCLUSIONS

Three skull-cups have been identified amongst the human bones from Gough's Cave. New ultrafiltered radiocarbon determinations provide direct dates of about 14,700 cal BP, making these the oldest directly dated skull-cups and the only examples known from the British Isles.