Does Witnessing Racism Online Promote Individual and Institutional Anti-Racism Advocacy Among White Individuals? The Role of White Empathy, White Guilt, and White Fear of Other Races

How can white parents raise anti-racist children? Introducing the routes to effective anti-racist parenting (REAP) model

In response to highly publicized instances of overt racial injustice, there has been a recent resurgence of interest and commitment to identifying processes through which anti-racist behaviors develop among White individuals. One particularly important context in which anti-racist behaviors can develop is within families and as a result of childrearing. Theories of anti-racism typically neglect the role of families and family science research typically neglects a focus on anti-racist parenting outcomes. To further research and applied work on fostering anti-racism within White families, this paper introduces a new integrative model called routes to effective anti-racist parenting (REAP). The model draws on theories from various fields, including family science and social psychology, and uses a metaphor of nurturing a plant to explain the nuanced, multi-faceted approaches to anti-racist parenting. The model incorporates factors related to the "pot" (i.e., fundamental values and structure necessary to contain more specific anti-racist skills and behaviors), "soil" (i.e., characteristics that define anti-racist commitment), "seeds" (i.e., direct transmission of anti-racism skills), and "environment" (i.e., influential external factors). Finally, we describe the intended benefits that can be reaped from this intentional approach to anti-racist parenting. The REAP model contributes to the family science literature by providing an empirically grounded theoretical model describing the roles that parents can play in children's anti-racist development.

Witnessing racism against racial minority individuals online and loneliness among White emerging adults: Anti-racism advocacy as a moderator

Extant literature suggests that racism is associated with difficult emotional reactions and feelings of social disconnect among White individuals. These feelings of social disconnect may be particularly salient in today's digital era in which racism against racial minority individuals is conveniently and frequently witnessed via online platforms. Thus, we examined whether witnessing racism online may be associated with feelings of loneliness among White emerging adults. We also tested whether anti-racism advocacy buffered loneliness given its potential for relationship building and community organizing to promote racial justice and equity. Using data from 227 White emerging adults (M_age  = 20.86, SD = 4.82), we conducted a latent moderated structural equation modeling to test individual and institutional anti-racism advocacy as moderators in the link between witnessing racism online (racial victimization of racial minority individuals in online interactions and online content on cultural devaluation/systemic racism against racial minority individuals) and loneliness. Greater exposure to online content on systemic racism and cultural devaluation of racial minority groups significantly predicted greater loneliness. Engagement in individual anti-racism advocacy (mean to high levels) buffered this link. White allies must engage in anti-racism practice to address racism in our society, and our findings advance our understanding of the associated psychosocial costs. Implications for research and practice are discussed.

The wide variety of reasons for feeling guilty in adults: findings from a large cross-sectional web-based survey

BACKGROUND

Experiencing some sort of guilt is a common phenomenon in adulthood. As feeling guilty is usually unpleasant and may even lead to further negative psychological consequences like depression, the aim of this study was to provide comprehensive information on the reasons for such feelings in adults.

METHODS

A cross-sectional web-based survey was conducted between May 2019 and April 2020, collecting qualitative information on reasons for feeling guilty in n = 604 adults (mean/SD age = 45.3/16.4 years; n = 346/57.3% women, n = 255/42.2% men and n = 3/0.5% adults without identification with a particular gender). Stated reasons were inductively classified into (super-)/categories, and information on frequency and percentage (total, gender- and age-specific) for each of these (super-)/categories was provided.

RESULTS

Participants altogether stated 1515 reasons for feeling guilty that were classified into 12 supercategories and 49 categories. "Telling lies/withholding truth/information" followed by "Not spending (enough) time with family (members)/Not taking (enough) care of family (members)/not being there for family (members)" were the most frequent categories of reasons for feeling guilty in the sample. Guilt feelings explicitly referring to "religious beliefs" or a "subjectively perceived more general responsibility'" (e.g., for society, humankind, problems of the world), by contrast, were of minor importance. Male and female participants as well as participants of different ages showed similarities but also several differences in stated reasons for feeling guilty. Female participants, for example, more often experienced feelings of guilt related to family members, children and to some kind of general responsibility for the wellbeing of others, whereas male participants felt guilty more often because of some kind of misconduct/mistakes being made or because of difficulties in marriage/relationship.

CONCLUSIONS

Adults can feel guilty for a wide variety of different reasons. Most reasons seem to be rather concrete (e.g., related to concrete negative self-attributions/flaws or to concrete social situations with concrete individuals). There also seem to be some age- and gender-related differences in reasons for feeling guilty.