Dissociable contributions of frontal and temporal brain regions to basic semantic composition

Multiple dimensions of syntactic structure are resolved earliest in posterior temporal cortex

How we combine minimal linguistic units into larger structures remains an unresolved topic in neuroscience. Language processing involves the abstract construction of 'vertical' and 'horizontal' information simultaneously (e.g., phrase structure, morphological agreement), but previous paradigms have been constrained in isolating only one type of composition and have utilized poor spatiotemporal resolution. Using intracranial recordings, we report multiple experiments designed to separate phrase structure from morphosyntactic agreement. Epilepsy patients (n = 10) were presented with auditory two-word phrases grouped into pseudoword-verb ('trab run') and pronoun-verb either with or without Person agreement ('they run' vs. 'they runs'). Phrase composition and Person violations both resulted in significant increases in broadband high gamma activity approximately 300 ms after verb onset in posterior middle temporal gyrus (pMTG) and posterior superior temporal sulcus (pSTS), followed by inferior frontal cortex (IFC) at 500 ms. While sites sensitive to only morphosyntactic violations were distributed, those sensitive to both composition types were generally confined to pSTS/pMTG and IFC. These results indicate that posterior temporal cortex shows the earliest sensitivity for hierarchical linguistic structure across multiple dimensions, providing neural resources for distinct windows of composition. This region is comprised of sparsely interwoven heterogeneous constituents that afford cortical search spaces for dissociable syntactic relations.

Processing of auditory novelty in human cortex during a semantic categorization task

Auditory semantic novelty - a new meaningful sound in the context of a predictable acoustical environment - can probe neural circuits involved in language processing. Aberrant novelty detection is a feature of many neuropsychiatric disorders. This large-scale human intracranial electrophysiology study examined the spatial distribution of gamma and alpha power and auditory evoked potentials (AEP) associated with responses to unexpected words during performance of semantic categorization tasks. Participants were neurosurgical patients undergoing monitoring for medically intractable epilepsy. Each task included repeatedly presented monosyllabic words from different talkers ("common") and ten words presented only once ("novel"). Targets were words belonging to a specific semantic category. Novelty effects were defined as differences between neural responses to novel and common words. Novelty increased task difficulty and was associated with augmented gamma, suppressed alpha power, and AEP differences broadly distributed across the cortex. Gamma novelty effect had the highest prevalence in planum temporale, posterior superior temporal gyrus (STG) and pars triangularis of the inferior frontal gyrus; alpha in anterolateral Heschl's gyrus (HG), anterior STG and middle anterior cingulate cortex; AEP in posteromedial HG, lower bank of the superior temporal sulcus, and planum polare. Gamma novelty effect had a higher prevalence in dorsal than ventral auditory-related areas. Novelty effects were more pronounced in the left hemisphere. Better novel target detection was associated with reduced gamma novelty effect within auditory cortex and enhanced gamma effect within prefrontal and sensorimotor cortex. Alpha and AEP novelty effects were generally more prevalent in better performing participants. Multiple areas, including auditory cortex on the superior temporal plane, featured AEP novelty effect within the time frame of P3a and N400 scalp-recorded novelty-related potentials. This work provides a detailed account of auditory novelty in a paradigm that directly examined brain regions associated with semantic processing. Future studies may aid in the development of objective measures to assess the integrity of semantic novelty processing in clinical populations.

Electrophysiological correlates of basic semantic composition in people with aphasia

The neuroanatomical correlates of basic semantic composition have been investigated in previous neuroimaging and lesion studies, but research on the electrophysiology of the involved processes is scarce. A large literature on sentence-level event-related potentials (ERPs) during semantic processing has identified at least two relevant components - the N400 and the P600. Other studies demonstrated that these components are reduced and/or delayed in people with aphasia (PWA). However, it remains to be shown if these findings generalize beyond the sentence level. Specifically, it is an open question if an alteration in ERP responses in PWA can also be observed during basic semantic composition, providing a potential future diagnostic tool. The present study aimed to elucidate the electrophysiological dynamics of basic semantic composition in a group of post-stroke PWA. We included 20 PWA and 20 age-matched controls (mean age 58 years) and measured ERP responses while they performed a plausibility judgment task on two-word phrases that were either meaningful ("anxious horse"), anomalous ("anxious wood") or had the noun replaced by a pseudoword ("anxious gufel"). The N400 effect for anomalous versus meaningful phrases was similar in both groups. In contrast, unlike the control group, PWA did not show an N400 effect between pseudoword and meaningful phrases. Moreover, both groups exhibited a parietal P600 effect towards pseudoword phrases, while PWA showed an additional P600 over frontal electrodes. Finally, PWA showed an inverse correlation between the magnitude of the N400 and P600 effects: PWA exhibiting no or even reversed N400 effects towards anomalous and pseudoword phrases showed a stronger P600 effect. These results may reflect a compensatory mechanism which allows PWA to arrive at the correct interpretation of the phrase. When compositional processing capacities are impaired in the early N400 time-window, PWA may make use of a more elaborate re-analysis process reflected in the P600.

Reduced likelihood of the Poggendorff illusion in cerebellar strokes: a clinical and neuroimaging study

This study aimed to test our hypothesis that the cerebellum plays an important role in the generation of the optical-geometric illusion known as the Poggendorff illusion, the mechanism of which has been explained by accumulated experience with natural scene geometry. A total of 79 participants, comprising 28 patients with isolated cerebellar stroke, 27 patients with isolated cerebral stroke and 24 healthy controls, performed Poggendorff illusion tasks and 2 different control tasks. We also investigated core brain regions underpinning changes in the experience of the illusion effect using multivariate lesion-symptom mapping. Our results indicate that patients with isolated cerebellar stroke were significantly less likely to experience the Poggendorff illusion effect than patients with isolated cerebral stroke or healthy controls (74.6, 90.5 and 89.8%, respectively; F(2,76) = 6.675, P = 0.002). However, there were no inter-group differences in the control tasks. Lesion-symptom mapping analysis revealed that the brain lesions associated with the reduced frequency of the Poggendorff illusion effect were mainly centred on the right posteromedial cerebellar region, including the right lobules VI, VII, VIII, IX and Crus II. Our findings demonstrated, for the first time, that patients with cerebellar damage were significantly less likely to experience the Poggendorff illusion effect and that right posteromedial cerebellar lesions played an important role in this effect. These results provide new insight into alterations of a geometric illusion effect in patients with cerebellar disorders and pave the way for future clinical use of the illusion task to detect cerebellar abnormalities.

Neural classification maps for distinct word combinations in Broca's area

Humans are equipped with the remarkable ability to comprehend an infinite number of utterances. Relations between grammatical categories restrict the way words combine into phrases and sentences. How the brain recognizes different word combinations remains largely unknown, although this is a necessary condition for combinatorial unboundedness in language. Here, we used functional magnetic resonance imaging and multivariate pattern analysis to explore whether distinct neural populations of a known language network hub-Broca's area-are specialized for recognizing distinct simple word combinations. The phrases consisted of a noun (flag) occurring either with a content word, an adjective (green flag), or with a function word, a determiner (that flag). The key result is that the distribution of neural populations classifying word combination in Broca's area seems sensitive to neuroanatomical subdivisions within this area, irrespective of task. The information patterns for adjective + noun were localized in its anterior part (BA45) whereas those for determiner + noun were localized in its posterior part (BA44). Our findings provide preliminary answers to the fundamental question of how lexical and grammatical category information interact during simple word combination, with the observation that Broca's area is sensitive to the recognition of categorical relationships during combinatory processing, based on different demands placed on syntactic and semantic information. This supports the hypothesis that the combinatorial power of language consists of some neural computation capturing phrasal differences when processing linguistic input.

Online neurostimulation of Broca's area does not interfere with syntactic predictions: A combined TMS-EEG approach to basic linguistic combination

Categorical predictions have been proposed as the key mechanism supporting the fast pace of syntactic composition in language. Accordingly, grammar-based expectations are formed-e.g., the determiner "a" triggers the prediction for a noun-and facilitate the analysis of incoming syntactic information, which is then checked against a single or few other word categories. Previous functional neuroimaging studies point towards Broca's area in the left inferior frontal gyrus (IFG) as one fundamental cortical region involved in categorical prediction during incremental language processing. Causal evidence for this hypothesis is however still missing. In this study, we combined Electroencephalography (EEG) and Transcranial Magnetic Stimulation (TMS) to test whether Broca's area is functionally relevant in predictive mechanisms for language. We transiently perturbed Broca's area during the first word in a two-word construction, while simultaneously measuring the Event-Related Potential (ERP) correlates of syntactic composition. We reasoned that if Broca's area is involved in predictive mechanisms for syntax, disruptive TMS during the first word would mitigate the difference in the ERP responses for predicted and unpredicted categories in basic two-word constructions. Contrary to this hypothesis, perturbation of Broca's area at the predictive stage did not affect the ERP correlates of basic composition. The correlation strength between the electrical field induced by TMS and the ERP responses further confirmed this pattern. We discuss the present results considering an alternative account of the role of Broca's area in syntactic composition, namely the bottom-up integration of words into constituents, and of compensatory mechanisms within the language predictive network.

Minimal Phrase Composition Revealed by Intracranial Recordings

The ability to comprehend phrases is an essential integrative property of the brain. Here, we evaluate the neural processes that enable the transition from single-word processing to a minimal compositional scheme. Previous research has reported conflicting timing effects of composition, and disagreement persists with respect to inferior frontal and posterior temporal contributions. To address these issues, 19 patients (10 male, 9 female) implanted with penetrating depth or surface subdural intracranial electrodes, heard auditory recordings of adjective-noun, pseudoword-noun, and adjective-pseudoword phrases and judged whether the phrase matched a picture. Stimulus-dependent alterations in broadband gamma activity, low-frequency power, and phase-locking values across the language-dominant left hemisphere were derived. This revealed a mosaic located on the lower bank of the posterior superior temporal sulcus (pSTS), in which closely neighboring cortical sites displayed exclusive sensitivity to either lexicality or phrase structure, but not both. Distinct timings were found for effects of phrase composition (210-300 ms) and pseudoword processing (∼300-700 ms), and these were localized to neighboring electrodes in pSTS. The pars triangularis and temporal pole encoded anticipation of composition in broadband low frequencies, and both regions exhibited greater functional connectivity with pSTS during phrase composition. Our results suggest that the pSTS is a highly specialized region composed of sparsely interwoven heterogeneous constituents that encodes both lower and higher level linguistic features. This hub in pSTS for minimal phrase processing may form the neural basis for the human-specific computational capacity for forming hierarchically organized linguistic structures.SIGNIFICANCE STATEMENT Linguists have claimed that the integration of multiple words into a phrase demands a computational procedure distinct from single-word processing. Here, we provide intracranial recordings from a large patient cohort, with high spatiotemporal resolution, to track the cortical dynamics of phrase composition. Epileptic patients volunteered to participate in a task in which they listened to phrases (red boat), word-pseudoword or pseudoword-word pairs (e.g., red fulg). At the onset of the second word in phrases, greater broadband high gamma activity was found in posterior superior temporal sulcus in electrodes that exclusively indexed phrasal meaning and not lexical meaning. These results provide direct, high-resolution signatures of minimal phrase composition in humans, a potentially species-specific computational capacity.