Drink, but don't drive? The alcohol industry's involvement in global road safety

Causes and global, regional, and national burdens of traumatic brain injury from 1990 to 2019

PURPOSE

Traumatic brain injury (TBI), currently a major global public health problem, imposes a significant economic burden on society and families. We aimed to quantify and predict the incidence and severity of TBI by analyzing its incidence, prevalence, and years lived with disability (YLDs). The epidemiological changes in TBI from 1990 to 2019 were described and updated to provide a reference for developing prevention, treatment, and incidence-reducing measures for TBI.

METHODS

A secondary analysis was performed on the incidence, prevalence, and YLDs of TBI by sex, age group, and region (n = 21,204 countries and territories) between 1990 and 2019 using the Global Burden of Diseases, Injuries, and Risk Factors Study 2019. Proportions in the age-standardized incidence rate due to underlying causes of TBI and proportions of minor and moderate or severe TBI were also reported.

RESULTS

In 2019, there were 27.16 million (95% uncertainty intervals (UI): 23.36 - 31.42) new cases of TBI worldwide, with age-standardized incidence and prevalence rates of 346 per 100,000 population (95% UI: 298-401) and 599 per 100,000 population (95% UI: 573-627), respectively. From 1990 to 2019, there were no significant trends in global age-standardized incidence (estimated annual percentage changes: -0.11%, 95% UI: -0.18% - -0.04%) or prevalence (estimated annual percentage changes: 0.01%, 95% UI: -0.04% - 0.06%). TBI caused 7.08 million (95% UI: 5.00 - 9.59) YLDs in 2019, with age-standardized rates of 86.5 per 100,000 population (95% UI: 61.1 - 117.2). In 2019, the countries with higher incidence rates were mainly distributed in Central Europe, Eastern Europe, and Australia. The 2019 global age-standardized incidence rate was higher in males than in females. The 2019 global incidence of moderate and severe TBI was 182.7 per 100,000 population, accounting for 52.8% of all TBI, with falls and road traffic injuries being the main causes in most regions.

CONCLUSIONS

The incidence of moderate and severe TBI was slightly higher in 2019, and TBI still accounts for a significant portion of the global injury burden. The likelihood of moderate to severe TBI and the trend of major injury under each injury cause from 1990 to 2019 and the characteristics of injury mechanisms in each age group are presented, providing a basis for further research on injury causes in each age group and the future establishment of corresponding policies and protective measures.

Constructing public-private partnerships to undermine the public interest: critical discourse analysis of Working Together published by the International Alliance for Responsible Drinking

BACKGROUND

The global burden of alcohol harm has increased and is forecast to grow further without effective policy implementation. Public-private partnerships aiming to address global health, and other societal challenges, are a burgeoning feature of neoliberal governance. Rhetorically distancing themselves from tobacco, the major alcohol companies are committed to tackling 'harmful drinking' and have created a distinct type of public relations organization for this purpose. The activities of such organizations are increasingly recognized as an impediment to the implementation of policies to reduce alcohol harm, including in low- and middle-income countries where markets are expanding.

METHODS

The approach of critical discourse analysis is used to examine the discursive tactics and strategies used in Working Together; a 'toolkit' published by the key global level alcohol industry public relations organization, the International Alliance for Responsible Drinking (IARD). This study considers how it works discursively to set the terms of, and overcome skepticism about partnerships, to define aims and position various actors by constructing their roles. The construction of prospective partners provides insights into the alcohol industry itself.

RESULTS

The toolkit operates as an ideological resource for forming public-private partnerships across the world based on the accumulated know-how of the major companies through IARD. This allows the largest alcohol companies to exercise leadership of the industry, while remaining off-stage. The toolkit relies on a form of rhetorical work which creates distance from obvious corporate interests and the harms caused to population health and society. This is accomplished by working against evidence-informed population level approaches, and thus avoiding policies that will make any significant difference to overall alcohol harm. Unspecific "complexity" affords opportunity for preferred types of "actions", and "partnership" provides opportunity to gain credibility by association, further minimizing the likelihood of any material harm being reduced.

CONCLUSIONS

The toolkit is designed to not only legitimate the inclusion of alcohol industry actors as initiating 'partners', but also assigns them roles as managers of a set of carefully constructed relationships. This vision of public-private partnership reproduces the hegemonic narrative that has successfully blocked policy advances for decades and led to growing alcohol harm globally.

Influencing the global governance of alcohol: Alcohol industry views in submissions to the WHO consultation for the Alcohol Action Plan 2022-2030

BACKGROUND

In 2020, the Secretariat of the World Health Organization (WHO) conducted an open consultation, with public submissions, for the purpose of developing an Alcohol Action Plan to "strengthen implementation" of the WHO's 2010 Global Strategy to Reduce the Harmful Use of Alcohol. The consultation process and public submissions provided an opportunity to critically examine alcohol industry perspectives and arguments in relation to the global governance of alcohol.

METHODS

48 alcohol industry submissions to the WHO's 2020 consultation were included for analysis. Directed content analysis was used to examine the policy positions and arguments made by industry actors. Thematic analysis was employed to further explore the framing of industry arguments.

RESULTS

In framing their arguments, alcohol industry actors positioned themselves as important stakeholders in policy debates; differentiated "normal" drinking from consumption that merits intervention; argued that alcohol policy should be made at the national, rather than global, level; and supported industry self-regulation or co-regulation rather than cost-effective public health measures to prevent harms from alcohol.

CONCLUSION

The alcohol industry's submissions to the WHO's 2020 consultation could be seen as efforts to stymie improvements in the global governance of alcohol, and repeats several framing strategies that the industry has used in other forums, both national and global. However, their arguments appear to have had little traction in the creation of the Alcohol Action Plan. Changes from the Working Document to the adopted Action Plan show little acceptance by WHO of industry arguments.

Corporate Political Activity: Taxonomies and Model of Corporate Influence on Public Policy

BACKGROUND

Non-communicable diseases (NCDs) kill 41 million people a year. The products and services of unhealthy commodity industries (UCIs) such as tobacco, alcohol, ultra-processed foods and beverages and gambling are responsible for much of this health burden. While effective public health policies are available to address this, UCIs have consistently sought to stop governments and global organisations adopting such policies through what is known as corporate political activity (CPA). We aimed to contribute to the study of CPA and development of effective counter-measures by formulating a model and evidence-informed taxonomies of UCI political activity.

METHODS

We used five complementary methods: critical interpretive synthesis of the conceptual CPA literature; brief interviews; expert co-author knowledge; stakeholder workshops; testing against the literature.

RESULTS

We found 11 original conceptualisations of CPA; four had been used by other researchers and reported in 24 additional review papers. Combining an interpretive synthesis of all these papers and feedback from users, we developed two taxonomies - one on framing strategies and one on action strategies. The former identified three frames (policy actors, problem, and solutions) and the latter six strategies (access and influence policy-making, use the law, manufacture support for industry, shape evidence to manufacture doubt, displace, and usurp public health, manage reputations to industry's advantage). We also offer an analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of UCI strategies and a model that situates industry CPA in the wider social, political, and economic context.

CONCLUSION

Our work confirms the similarity of CPA across UCIs and demonstrates its extensive and multi-faceted nature, the disproportionate power of corporations in policy spaces and the unacceptable conflicts of interest that characterise their engagement with policy-making. We suggest that industry CPA is recognised as a corruption of democracy, not an element of participatory democracy. Our taxonomies and model provide a starting point for developing effective solutions.

How independent is the international food information council from the food and beverage industry? A content analysis of internal industry documents

BACKGROUND

The International Food Information Council (IFIC) and its partner foundation (IFIC Foundation) widely disseminate nutrition information and participate in relevant policymaking processes. Prior research has established a connection between IFIC and large food and beverage companies, representing a potential conflict of interest. The authors reviewed public records documents to investigate the connection between IFIC and industry, and to describe how IFIC communicates policy-relevant information about nutrition science to the public.

METHODS

The research team collected communications between IFIC and members of the research and policymaking communities by using state and federal transparency laws. The team analyzed the content of these documents with a commercial determinants of health framework while allowing for new themes to emerge, guided by the broad analytic questions of how and why does IFIC communicate nutrition information to policymakers and the broader public?

RESULTS

IFIC employs self-designed research and media outreach to disseminate nutrition information. Communications from IFIC and its affiliates related to nutrition information fell within major themes of manufacturing doubt and preference shaping.

CONCLUSIONS

IFIC uses media outlets to preemptively counter information about the negative health impacts of added sugars and ultra-processed foods, and promotes a personal-responsibility narrative about dietary intake and health. IFIC and its affiliates disseminate a narrow subset of nutrition and health information consistent with corporate interests and in opposition to public health policies associated with improved population health.

The alcohol industry's involvement with road safety NGOs

BACKGROUND

Road crashes are a major cause of death among all age groups and the leading cause of death among persons 5-29 years, according to the World Health Organization. One key risk factor is drink-driving. While the world's leading beer, wine, and spirit producers have pledged to combat drink-driving, there is increasing evidence showing the alcohol industry's promotion of solutions which minimally impact sales. One strategy is forming partnerships with road safety non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Given this, the primary objective of this study is to understand the extent to which the alcohol industry is involved with road safety NGOs around the world.

METHODS

A desk review from July 2020 to March 2021 was conducted to assess the alcohol industry's involvement with various road safety NGOs (n = 256) in 92 countries. Financial documents press releases, annual reports, social media platforms, and other resources were analyzed to uncover relationships between the alcohol industry and NGOs.

RESULTS

Out of 256 NGOs, n = 11 (4%) showed direct ties to the alcohol industry, and n = 3 (1%) showed indirect ties. NGOs involved with the alcohol industry were found in five continents and n = 8 of the 11 NGOs (73%) partnered with transnational alcohol manufacturers. Interventions supported by these partnerships were primarily mass media campaigns, free-ride and ride-sharing campaigns, and drink-driving educational events where alcoholic or zero-percent alcoholic beverages were sold or provided. These interventions are largely inconsistent with evidence-based best practice recommendations. Relationships between the alcohol industry and road safety NGOs lacked public transparency on key details such as terms of partnerships and funding amount and terms.

CONCLUSIONS

The study showed a clear effort on behalf of the alcohol industry to partner with road safety NGOs around the world. Findings underscore the need for the road safety community to generate consensus on involvement of the alcohol industry and suggest the need for more transparency on details of partnerships involving road safety. Findings also highlight the importance of local and national government support of road safety initiatives and road safety NGOs to avoid dependence on controversial funding from the alcohol industry.

Strategies to expand corporate autonomy by the tobacco, alcohol and sugar-sweetened beverage industry: a scoping review of reviews

BACKGROUND

Noncommunicable diseases contribute to over 70% of global deaths each year. Efforts to address this epidemic are complicated by the presence of powerful corporate actors. Despite this, few attempts have been made to synthesize existing evidence of the strategies used to advance corporate interests across industries. Given this, our study seeks to answer the questions: 1) Is there an emergent taxonomy of strategies used by the tobacco, alcohol and sugar-sweetened beverage (SSB) industries to expand corporate autonomy? 2) How are these strategies similar and how are they different?

METHODS

Under the guidance of a framework developed by Arksey and O'Malley, a scoping review was carried out whereby six databases were searched in June 2021 to identify relevant peer-reviewed literature. To be included in this review, studies had to explicitly discuss the strategies used by the tobacco, alcohol, and/or sugar-sweetened beverage multinational corporations and be considered review articles aimed to synthesize existing evidence from at least one of the three industries. Eight hundred and fifty-eight articles were selected for full review and 59 articles were retained for extraction, analysis, and categorization.

RESULTS

Results identified six key strategies the industries used: 1) influencing government policy making and implementation, 2) challenging unfavorable science, 3) creating a positive image, 4) manipulating markets, 5) mounting legal challenges, and 6) anticipating future scenarios. Despite these similarities, there are few but important differences. Under the strategy of influencing government policy making and implementation, for example, literature showed that the alcohol and SSB industries have been "privileged with high levels of participation" within international public health organizations.

CONCLUSIONS

Understanding how industries resist efforts to control them is important for public health advocates working to reduce consumption of and death and diseases resulting from harmful commodities. Moreover, there is a greater need for the public health community to generate consensus about how to ethically engage or not engage with industries that produce unhealthy commodities. More studies are also needed to build the evidence base of industry tactics to resist regulation, particularly in the case of SSB, and in low-and middle-income countries.

Recruitment, risks, rewards and regrets: Senior researcher reflections on working with alcohol industry social aspects organisations

INTRODUCTION

A growing body of literature suggests alcohol industry corporate social responsibility activity, including the creation of 'social aspects' organisations (SAO), may harm rather than improve public health. We aimed to explore established researcher experiences of working with SAOs, and the factors informing their decisions to do so.

METHODS

Qualitative interview study with senior alcohol researchers who had previous or ongoing connections to SAOs or their predecessors initiated when their careers were established (n = 16). Thematic analysis using NVivo software.

RESULTS

Established researchers were recruited for their expertise by alcohol industry SAOs via employees who were previously academics or via academic colleagues with SAO connections. Motivated by the desire to improve public health and 'reach out' beyond academia, researchers were confident that they could maintain their independence when sharing their expertise with SAOs. Short-term connections included attendance at SAO-funded events and book chapter contributions. Sometimes, these led to long-term relationships with SAOs, or researchers were invited to long-term roles by a colleague. These included memberships of scientific advisory committees, board positions, or work as independent consultants. Most researchers reflected negatively on their experiences and had ended their associations, while some had positive experiences.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

Current and former researchers play key roles in initiating connections with SAOs, with industry-funded events and invitations to long-term roles by trusted colleagues, mechanisms used to facilitate the development of such relationships. Our study adds to existing evidence that SAO scientific activity does not contribute to public health goals, but does present industry with public relations opportunities.