Politics and confidence toward the COVID-19 vaccination: A Brazilian cross-sectional study

This study has the aim of assessing the Brazilian perceptions, influencing factors and political positioning on the confidence concerning COVID-19 vaccination. To achieve the objective, the methods rely on a cross-sectional survey of Brazilian citizens, distributed through different social networks. The sample is composed of 1,670 valid responses, collected from almost all Brazilian states and state capitals. To analyze the data and give a clear view of the variables' relationship, the study used bivariate and comparative graphs. Results show a higher level of confidence in vaccines from Pfizer and AstraZeneca, while the lower level of confidence is associated with vaccines from Sinopharm and Sputinik5. Vaccine efficacy is the most significant influencing factor that helps in the decision to get vaccinated. Also, individuals are less willing to get vaccinated if their political preferences are related to the right-wing. The results led to three main health and social implications: i) the vaccination strategy campaigns should take in count vaccine efficacy and political aspects; ii) the vaccination process should be adapted to regions with different political positions; and iii) a reinforcement in the educational policies of the vaccine's importance to the public health, to avoid the politization of a health issue.

Exploring the GMO narrative through labeling: strategies, products, and politics

Labels are influential signals in the marketplace intended to inform and to eliminate buyer confusion. Despite this, food labels continue to be the subject of debate. None more so than non-GMO (genetically modified organisms) labels. This manuscript provides a timeline of the evolution of GMO labels beginning with the early history of the anti-GMO movement to the current National Bioengineered Food Disclosure Standard in the United States. Using media and market intelligence data collected through Buzzsumo™ and Mintel™, public discourse of GMOs is analyzed in relation to sociopolitical events and the number of new food products with anti-GMO labels, respectively. Policy document and publication data is collected with Overton™ to illustrate the policy landscape for the GMO topic and how it has changed over time. Analysis of the collective data illustrates that while social media and policy engagement around the topic of GMOs has diminished over time, the number of new products with a GMO-free designation continues to grow. While discourse peaked at one point, and has since declined, our results suggest that the legacy of an anti-GMO narrative remains firmly embedded in the social psyche, evidenced by the continuing rise of products with GMO-free designation. Campaigns for GMO food labels to satisfy consumers' right to know were successful and the perceived need for this information now appears to be self-sustaining.

Population, abortion, contraception, and the relation between biopolitics, bioethics, and biolaw in Iran

The Islamic government of Iran recently passed and announced a new law titled "Rejuvenation of the Population and Protection of the Family." This legislation is a noteworthy example of biopolitics-influenced biolaw. In terms of abortion, contraception, prenatal screening, and population control, this law clearly contrasts with women's fundamental rights and freedoms and has significant health-related consequences for different sectors of the population. A historical review of the population policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran shows the occurrence of multiple abrupt and radical changes in such policies over the past four decades. This new law, promoted by religious biopolitics, is the most recent example, and places stringent limits on abortion. According to it, all decisions concerning abortion must be made in courts rather than in health clinics. Such courts are typically presided over by male religious scholars. This law also limits prenatal screening to the degree that will increase the rate of genetic defects, especially in the population's lower socioeconomic strata. By strictly limiting access to contraception, this law will increase the rate of unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases. This paper argues that such an influence of biopolitics on biolaw contrasts with the principles of bioethics. Still, Iran's current institution of bioethics cannot address it effectively. Therefore, a new model of interaction between bioethics, biopolitics, and biolaw is needed to prevent the detrimental consequences of such pieces of legislation. Such a paradigm shift is demanded by the current "Woman, Life, Freedom" movement of the Iranian people.

Un ensayo clínico no ético y la politización de la pandemia de COVID-19 en Brasil: El caso de Prevent Senior

El Senado Federal de Brasil creó una Comisión Parlamentaria de Investigación (CPI) para investigar las irregularidades del gobierno de Bolsonaro en la gestión de la pandemia de COVID-19. Uno de los casos que llamó la atención fue la investigación llevada a cabo por Prevent Senior, una empresa privada de seguros de salud, sobre el tratamiento temprano de COVID-19. Este artículo analiza la validez científica de la investigación y los problemas éticos relacionados con su implementación. Se basa en un análisis del informe del estudio clínico de Prevent Senior, de los registros de ensayos clínicos de Brasil y Estados Unidos, del informe de la CPI del Senado y de información difundida por los medios de comunicación. Este caso de fraude científico y sesgo político-ideológico ejemplifica cómo Prevent Senior, utilizando un protocolo cuestionable para mejorar su reputación y obtener el apoyo del gobierno, contribuyó a la construcción de la narrativa de "tratamiento temprano" para COVID-19, y muestra cómo sirvió de base para una política pública del gobierno que promovió el uso de medicamentos ineficaces.

Using "balanced pragmatism" in political discussions increases cross-partisan respect

Synthesizing research on wisdom and a real-world practitioner intervention, we develop and test a strategy for presenting political views that fosters cross-partisan respect. This strategy of balanced pragmatism combines two aspects of "wise reasoning": balancing multiple interests and seeking pragmatic solutions. Studies 1-5 (N = 2,846) demonstrate that participants respected outgroup political elites more when they used balanced pragmatism versus other forms of messaging. Studies 6-8 (N = 671) extend the usefulness of balanced pragmatism to everyday political disagreements: cross-partisan comments about divisive issues (i.e., guns and immigration) generated more respect when they used balanced pragmatism versus logical analysis. Strikingly, people were as willing to discuss politics with opponents who used balanced pragmatism as they were with ingroup members. Balanced pragmatism appears to improve cross-partisan respect by making opponents seem more moral and rational. Results highlight connections between political psychology and wisdom research and illustrate the fruitfulness of scientist-practitioner collaborations. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Decentralized Clinical Trials: Scientific Considerations Through the Lens of the Estimand Framework

While industry and regulators' interest in decentralized clinical trials (DCTs) is long-standing, the Covid-19 pandemic accelerated and broadened the adoption and experience with these trials. The key idea in decentralization is bringing the clinical trial design, typically on-site, closer to the patient's experience (on-site or off-site). Thus, potential benefits of DCTs include reducing the burden of participation in trials, broadening access to a more diverse population, or using innovative endpoints collected off-site. This paper helps researchers to carefully evaluate the added value and the implications of DCTs beyond the operational aspects of their implementation. The proposed approach is to use the ICH E9(R1) estimand framework to guide the strategic decisions around each decentralization component. Furthermore, the framework can guide the process for clinical trialists to systematically consider the implications of decentralization, in turn, for each attribute of the estimand. We illustrate the use of this approach with a fully DCT case study and show that the proposed systematic process can uncover the scientific opportunities, assumptions, and potential risks associated with a possible use of decentralization components in the design of a trial. This process can also highlight the benefits of specifying estimand attributes in a granular way. Thus, we demonstrate that bringing a decentralization component into the design will not only impact estimators and estimation but can also correspond to addressing more granular questions, thereby uncovering new target estimands.

Exemplification Effects on Policy Support: Exemplar Familiarity, Narrative Vividness, and Perceptions of Maternal Health Disparities

This research examined the relationship between exemplar characteristics and concern for maternal health disparities. A two-wave 2 (familiarity) X 2 (vividness) between-subjects experiment tested the effects of exemplar familiarity and vividness on attitudes toward maternal health and maternal health disparities, perceptions of disparate risk, and policy support after exposure to a story about a mother who faced complications during childbirth and again three to five days later. The moderating role of political ideology was also examined. Results revealed positive effects of vividness on attitudes toward maternal mortality in general, attitudes toward maternal health disparities, and support for policies to address them in the short-term. Effects on general attitudes persisted three to five days later. Contrary to predictions, no effects were found for familiarity at Time 1. A familiar exemplar elicited more negative attitudes toward maternal mortality at Time 2. Examination of the moderating role of politics revealed the impact of vividness on general attitudes and policy support was greater among conservative participants, compared to more liberal participants. In addition to extending the applicability of exemplification theory to perceptions of risk toward others and subsequent policy support, this research has practical applications for bringing public attention to racial health disparities.

Toward a Psychology of Ideas Rather Than Demographics: Commentary on Hommel (2024)

The public will rightly not value a science that is more concerned with demographic population matching than with ideas. Taking further steps in the direction of identity politics will reduce public confidence in psychology's conclusions and reduce trust and respect. If psychology embraces demographic quotas, there will be self-selection out of the discipline, and that self-selection will harm our science.

A bridge over sustainable water: Politicians' perceptions about the preconditions for collective action

Sustainable water resource management is a core interest for all societies. As water systems are often common resources, the management of water systems requires coordinated action among actors along the water. For flowing water, a complication for coordination is upstream-downstream relations where what happens upstream affects downstream, but not the other way around. In this study we present results from a survey experiment with politicians in Sweden, focusing on whether and to what extent their willingness to cooperate is affected by their placement upstream or downstream along a fictive water system. Our findings indicate that politicians from upstream and downstream municipalities share the view that upstream politicians bear greater responsibility for undertaking preventive actions and are willing to assume remedial responsibility for problems caused by them. These results challenge the notion that self-interest is the primary obstacle to resolving environmental collective action problems.

Restitution versus repatriation: Terminology and concepts matter

INTRODUCTION

Through museum collecting practice, the deceased, possessions, plants and animals were turned into objects, removed from their communities and places of origin, and were segregated and divided into museum classificatory systems. In the decolonial work of embarking upon purposeful and proactive acts of return, the terms "repatriation" and "restitution" have often been used interchangeably.

OBJECTIVE

To assess the terminological differences between repatriation and restitution.

METHODS

Here, we critically discuss the politics of these terms and present an argument for restitution as restitutionary work.

RESULTS

Repatriation refers to the legal, administrative and logistical matters of returning across national borders. However, restitution is a preferred concept highlighting deeper meanings of return to the proper owner, with restitutionary work being time-consuming, emotional, often painful, enriching acts of restoration, and transitional justice. Restitution is about the embodiment and empowerment of choice over all aspects of the return.

CONCLUSION

Here, we argue that terminology matters. While restitution may involve repatriation, repatriation is not a substitute for acts of restoration embodied in restitutionary work.

Dealing With Diversity in Psychology: Science and Ideology

In the spirit of America's Shakespeare, August Wilson (1997), I have written this article as a testimony to the conditions under which I, and too many others, engage in scholarly discourse. I hope to make clear from the beginning that although the ideas presented here are not entirely my own-as they have been inherited from the minority of scholars who dared and managed to bring the most necessary, unpalatable, and unsettling truths about our discipline to the broader scientific community-I do not write for anyone but myself and those scholars who have felt similarly marginalized, oppressed, and silenced. And I write as a race scholar, meaning simply that I believe that race-and racism-affects the sociopolitical conditions in which humans, and scholars, develop their thoughts, feelings, and actions. I believe that it is important for all scholars to have a basic understanding of these conditions, as well as the landmines and pitfalls that define them, as they shape how research is conducted, reviewed, and disseminated. I also believe that to evolve one's discipline into one that is truly robust and objective, it must first become diverse and self-aware. Any effort to suggest otherwise, no matter how scholarly it might present itself, is intellectually unsound.

Political Ideology Direction of Policy Agendas and Maternal Mortality Outcomes in the U.S., 1915-2007

OBJECTIVES

The causes for persistently high and increasing maternal mortality rates in the United States have been elusive.

METHODS

We use the shift in the ideological direction of the Republican and the Democratic parties in the 1960s, to test the hypothesis that fluctuations in overall and race-specific maternal mortality rates (MMR) follow the power shifts between the parties before and after the Political Realignment (PR) of the 1960s.

RESULTS

Using time-series data analysis methods, we find that, net of trend, overall and race-specific MMRs were higher under Democratic administrations than Republican ones before the PR (1915-1965)-i.e., when the Democratic Party was a protector of the Jim Crow system. This pattern, however, changed after the PR (1966-2007), with Republican administrations underperforming Democratic ones-i.e., during the period when the Republican Party shifted toward a more economically and socially conservative agenda. The pre-post PR partisan shifts in MMRs were larger for Black (9.5%, p < . 01 ) relative to White mothers (7.4%, p < . 05 ) during the study period.

CONCLUSIONS FOR PRACTICE

These findings imply that parties and the ideological direction of their agendas substantively affect the social determinants of maternal health and produce politized health outcomes.

Reported Political Participation by Physicians vs Nonphysicians

This study uses survey data to compare rates of political participation between US physicians and nonphysicians from 2017 to 2021.

Meeting the challenges of the 21st century: the fundamental importance of trust for transformation

BACKGROUND

This paper is one of a collection on challenges facing health systems in the future. One obvious challenge is how to transform to meet changing health needs and take advantage of emerging treatment opportunities. However, we argue that effective transformations are only possible if there is trust in the health system.

MAIN BODY

We focus on three of the many relationships that require trust in health systems, trust by patients and the public, by health workers, and by politicians. Unfortunately, we are seeing a concerning loss of trust in these relationships and, for too long, the importance of trust to health policymaking and health system functioning has been overlooked and under-valued. We contend that trust must be given the attention, time, and resources it warrants as an indispensable element of any health system and, in this paper, we review why trust is so important in health systems, how trust has been thought about by scholars from different disciplines, what we know about its place in health systems, and how we can give it greater prominence in research and policy.

CONCLUSION

Trust is essential if health systems are to meet the challenges of the 21st century but it is too often overlooked or, in some cases, undermined.

From pets to parliament: why we chose to shape veterinary policy of the future

Entering the political arena isn't for everyone, but here the second - and currently only - vet to sit in the House of Lords, Lord Trees, and his parliamentary intern, discuss why contributing to parliamentary business is an exciting and stimulating end and start to their respective careers.

France needs a chief science adviser

France is at a crossroads, facing environmental and social challenges that are profoundly altering its society. Yet, the French government keeps prioritizing short-term political gains over long-term evidence-based planning for major transitions that France, like most countries, will undergo over the next 20 years. There is an urgent need for France to implement long-term science-informed policy-making.

A study of market segmentation, government competition, and public service efficiency in China: Based on a semi-parametric spatial lag model

Despite significant growth in fiscal expenditure, the overall level of public services in China remains inadequate. One approach to improving government public service efficiency from the perspective of management psychology is to strengthen government competition. However, only a few studies have explored the improvement of public service efficiency through government competition, with even fewer addressing the phenomena of market segmentation and spatial effects that accompany the process of government competition. This paper aims to fill this research gap by examining the effects of government competition and market segmentation on public service efficiency, as well as their spatial disparities. We initially employs the DEA method to assess the efficiency of public services based on inputs and outputs, and examines its spatial variations. Subsequently, a semi-parametric spatial lag panel model is utilized to validate the effects of market segmentation and government competition on public service efficiency. Our findings indicate that inter-provincial market segmentation leads to a decline in public service efficiency. Moreover, the influence of horizontal competition between local governments on public service efficiency varies depending on the degree of positive and negative effects in their competition dynamics. The impact of vertical competition between central and local governments on public service efficiency is influenced by the degree of fiscal decentralization. When the level of fiscal decentralization is below 0.808, vertical competition between central and local governments has a promoting effect on public service efficiency. However, when the degree of fiscal decentralization exceeds 0.08, this promoting effect weakens and gradually transforms into a negative influence. The insights and evidence provided by this study offer valuable guidance for for effectively reshaping the fiscal relations between the central and local governments in China and improving public service efficiency in the context of a new round of fiscal and tax system reforms.

The FDA in the Crosshairs-Science, Politics, and Abortion

In this Viewpoint, the Supreme Court case FDA v AHM is used to illustrate the tension the FDA faces between science and politics, and state authority over abortion vs federal authority over which drugs may be marketed nationwide.

Politics-evidence conflict in national health policy making in Africa: a scoping review

BACKGROUND

Generally, public health policy-making is hardly a linear process and is characterized by interactions among politicians, institutions, researchers, technocrats and practitioners from diverse fields, as well as brokers, interest groups, financiers and a gamut of other actors. Meanwhile, most public health policies and systems in Africa appear to be built loosely on technical and scientific evidence, but with high political systems and ideologies. While studies on national health policies in Africa are growing, there seems to be inadequate evidence mapping on common themes and concepts across existing literature.

PURPOSE

The study seeks to explore the extent and type of evidence that exist on the conflict between politics and scientific evidence in the national health policy-making processes in Africa.

METHODS

A thorough literature search was done in PubMed, Cochrane Library, ScienceDirect, Dimensions, Taylor and Francis, Chicago Journals, Emerald Insight, JSTOR and Google Scholar. In total, 43 peer-reviewed articles were eligible and used for this review.

RESULT

We found that the conflicts to evidence usage in policy-making include competing interests and lack of commitment; global policy goals, interest/influence, power imbalance and funding, morals; and evidence-based approaches, self-sufficiency, collaboration among actors, policy priorities and existing structures. Barriers to the health policy process include fragmentation among actors, poor advocacy, lack of clarity on the agenda, inadequate evidence, inadequate consultation and corruption. The impact of the politics-evidence conflict includes policy agenda abrogation, suboptimal policy development success and policy implementation inadequacies.

CONCLUSIONS

We report that political interests in most cases influence policy-makers and other stakeholders to prioritize financial gains over the use of research evidence to policy goals and targets. This situation has the tendency for inadequate health policies with poor implementation gaps. Addressing these issues requires incorporating relevant evidence into health policies, making strong leadership, effective governance and a commitment to public health.

The first interactive science museum in Peru: the origin and creation of TECNO-ITINTEC, 1975-1979

This paper examines the development of the TECNO-ITINTEC museum, the first interactive science museum in Peru, which opened in 1979. The museum functioned under the Institute of Industrial Technology Research and Technical Standards (ITINTEC), a public institution established during the government of Velazco Alvarado. In 1975, Jorge Heraud became the president of ITINTEC's Board of Directors and proposed a science museum to inspire future generations of scientists. José Castro Mendívil joined as the exhibition's director and designer. Their motivation to open a museum coincided with the government's ideals for modernization and nationalization. This article analyzes various sources including newspapers, laws that regulated the institute, reports, and interviews with people involved in the museum to understand how science and politics intersected in TECNO-ITINTEC.

Who supports Bernie? Analyzing identity and ideological variation on Twitter during the 2020 democratic primaries

Using a novel dataset of 590M messages by 21M users, we present the first large-scale examination of the behavior of likely Bernie supporters on Twitter during the 2020 U.S. Democratic primaries and presidential election. We use these data to dispel empirically the notion of a unified, stereotypical Bernie supporter (e.g., the "Bernie Bro"). Instead, our work uncovers significant variation in the identities and ideologies of Bernie supporters who were active on Twitter. Our work makes three contributions to the literature on social media and social movements. Methodologically, we present a novel mixed methods approach to surface identity and ideological variation within a movement via use of patterns in who retweets whom (i.e. who retweets which other users) and who retweets what (i.e. who retweets which specific tweets). Substantively, documentation of these variations challenges a trend in the social movement literature to assume actors within a particular movement are unified in their ideology, identity, and values.

[United in difference: on the vocation of Brazilian sociology at the Instituto Universitário de Pesquisas do Rio de Janeiro, 1973-1977]

This article investigates the first generation (1973-1977) of researchers trained in the Graduate Program in Sociology at the Instituto Universitário de Pesquisas do Rio de Janeiro (IUPERJ). While IUPERJ is known as the birthplace of modern Brazilian political science, sociology there is less well known. Using documentary resources, interviews, and the secondary literature, we take a nuanced look at this generation, which has been described as both excessively heterogeneous and less original in comparison to political science at IUPERJ. For them, theoretical and methodological specialization was seen as central to a political sociology that sought responses to the demands of a society at the crossroads between modernization and redemocratization.

Political participation among deaf youth in Great Britain

Variations in political participation are linked to demographic factors, socioeconomic disparities, and cultural-ethnic diversity. Existing research has primarily explored reduced political involvement among individuals with disabilities, particularly in electoral politics. However, little research has attended the involvement of deaf people specifically. This is of interest because deaf youth are at an intersection of disability, language and cultural identity with their language affiliations and rejection or acceptance of disability evolving through childhood. This study draws from original data collected via an online survey, comprising 163 deaf young respondents aged 16-19 in Great Britain. We compare their levels of political participation with those of general population peers to explore how sociodemographic factors, alongside variations in self-identification as deaf, and meaningful interactions with other deaf people contribute to explain their political engagement. The results challenge conventional wisdom by demonstrating that deaf youth participate more actively in politics than their hearing peers in various forms of political involvement, including collective, contact, and institutional activism. We also recognize differences among deaf youth and propose that social aspects of identity formation, particularly embracing a deaf identity and having deaf friends, can boost certain forms of political engagement. In summary, this study underscores the importance of acknowledging the diversity of deaf youth in terms of affiliation with various forms of deaf identity, rendering their experience different from both disabled and hearing youth. By identifying the factors driving heightened political participation, policymakers and advocates can develop strategies to enhance political engagement among all young people, regardless of their hearing status.

Performing Platform Governance: Facebook and the Stage Management of Data Relations

Controversies surrounding social media platforms have provided opportunities for institutional reflexivity amongst users and regulators on how to understand and govern platforms. Amidst contestation, platform companies have continued to enact projects that draw upon existing modes of privatized governance. We investigate how social media companies have attempted to achieve closure by continuing to set the terms around platform governance. We investigate two projects implemented by Facebook (Meta)-authenticity regulation and privacy controls-in response to the Russian Interference and Cambridge Analytica controversies surrounding the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election. Drawing on Goffman's metaphor of stage management, we analyze the techniques deployed by Facebook to reinforce a division between what is visible and invisible to the user experience. These platform governance projects propose to act upon front-stage data relations: information that users can see from other users-whether that is content that users can see from "bad actors", or information that other users can see about oneself. At the same time, these projects relegate back-stage data relations-information flows between users constituted by recommendation and targeted advertising systems-to invisibility and inaction. As such, Facebook renders the user experience actionable for governance, while foreclosing governance of back-stage data relations central to the economic value of the platform. As social media companies continue to perform platform governance projects following controversies, our paper invites reflection on the politics of these projects. By destabilizing the boundaries drawn by platform companies, we open space for continuous reflexivity on how platforms should be understood and governed.

Democratic quality and excess mortality during the COVID-19 pandemic

The aim of this study is to analyse the relationship between democratic quality and excess mortality produced in the year 2020 before COVID-19 vaccinations were generalised. Using cross-sectional data from 80 countries on five continents, multiple linear regression models between excess mortality, the general democracy index and its disaggregation into five categories: electoral process and pluralism, government functioning, political participation, political culture and civil liberties were estimated. The analysis also considered, public health spending per capita, overweight inhabitants, the average temperature of the country, population over 65 years of age, The KOF Globalisation Index, and the Gross National Income per capita as control variables. It was possible to establish a strong inverse association between excess mortality per million inhabitants and the general democracy index and four of its five categories. There was a particularly strong relationship between excess mortality and the political culture dimension (-326.50, p < 0.001). The results suggest that the higher the democratic quality of the political institutions of a State and particularly of their political culture the more improved the response and management of the pandemic was in preventing deaths and protecting their citizens more effectively. Conversely, countries with lower democracy index values have higher excess mortality. Quality democratic political institutions provide more effective public health policies in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic.

The Senator and the Sting Operation: Politics, the Media, and Frank Moss's Exposé of "Medicaid Mills"

In September 1975, Frank Moss, an eighteen-year veteran of the Senate from Utah, donned the scruffiest clothes he could find and walked into a small clinic in New York that catered to Medicaid patients. Using a phony Medicaid card supplied to him by a New York District Attorney, he posed as a patient with symptoms he feigned to assess the quality of care he would receive. Appalled by what he experienced, he and a team of staffers from his office embarked on a four-state tour of what he termed "Medicaid mills," visiting more than 200 clinics in an undercover investigation that exposed alarming levels of provider fraud and abuse of the government health insurance system. This dramatic expose was covered by CBS's widely watched Sunday-night news program 60 Minutes. The subsequent Senate hearings were a media sensation, leading to accusations that the Senator was "grandstanding." This article looks at the political climate in which the congressional sting operation, the media attention it garnered, and the subsequent legislation enacted sought to address a persistent, growing problem of fraud and abuse in Medicare and Medicaid. The article argues that Moss's effort was an example of entrepreneurial politics, as defined by Craig Volden and Alan Wiseman in 2016, and something more as well. Moss was reacting to a political setting in which the legitimate authority of political institutions, including Congress, had been called into question by the Watergate scandal and other revelations. At the same time, organized medicine in America was dealing with its own version of this challenge to its authority. The result was a dramatic episode that focused on fraud and abuse in the ten-year-old Medicare program and that raised wider questions about changes in cultural authority in politics and medicine.

US Nationwide Multi-City Media Coverage of COVID-19 Responses: Community Structure Theory, Belief System, and a "Violated Way of Life"

Community structure analysis compared city characteristics and newspaper coverage of state/local government responses to COVID-19 in 25 major U.S. cities, sampling all 250+ word articles from 4/4/20 to 7/6/20. The resulting 588 articles were coded for "prominence" and "direction" (favorable/unfavorable/balanced-neutral coverage), then combined into each newspaper's composite "Media Vector" (range=0.3552 to -0.5197, or 0.8749). Twenty-one of 25 newspapers (84%) displayed unfavorable coverage of local COVID-19 responses. Pearson correlations and regression analysis confirmed a muscular "violated way of life" pattern, when a community perceives itself as threatened by a "biological threat or a threat to a cherished way of life." Political and belief system polarization (in particular percent Evangelical and percent voting Republican) were strongly associated with unfavorable coverage of local pandemic responses, compared to more favorable responses linked to percent voting Democratic or percent Catholic. Vulnerability (percent uninsured) was also linked to negative coverage. Conversely, two different measures of access to healthcare (percent municipal spending on health and welfare, and physicians/100,000) were significantly linked to favorable coverage of the same local government efforts. Community structure theory's grass roots "bottom up" expectations linking community demographics to variations in reporting on critical issues were robustly confirmed.

The Alabama Embryo Decision-The Politics and Reality of Recognizing "Extrauterine Children"

This Viewpoint discusses the Alabama Supreme Court’s opinion on in vitro fertilization and how it plays into a larger push for fetal and embryonic personhood.

Liberals are Believers: Young People Assign Trust to Social Media for COVID-19 Information

The COVID-19 pandemic has challenged existing health communication strategies as more people turn to social media as a primary health information source. Although many studies have explored how young people use social media, this study examined how sociodemographic factors and political ideology are associated with use and trust in social media as a source for COVID-19 information among young adults, and how use and trust in social media as a COVID-19 information source are associated with their beliefs about COVID-19. In Spring 2021, an online survey was conducted among 2,105 18-29-year-old students at an urban university in California. Our findings show that younger, female, non-binary, Asian, and Black/African American students are most likely to obtain and trust COVID-19 information on social media. Results also suggest that liberal students are more likely to turn to social media as a source for COVID-19 information compared to conservatives. However, conservative students who use social media as a source for information were more likely to believe false health information about prevention measures and the vaccine and to have lower perceived effectiveness of COVID-19 prevention behaviors and vaccination compared to liberals.

Advocating for Mask-Wearing Across the Aisle: Applying Moral Reframing in Health Communication

During the COVID-19 pandemic, the United States public polarized along political lines in their willingness to adopt various health-protective measures. To bridge these political divides, we tested moral reframing as a tool for advocating for wearing face masks when audiences vary in their moral priorities. We additionally address a gap in prior moral reframing research by comparing responses to a topic-relevant non-moral appeal. Across two studies, we examined effects on perceived message effectiveness, intentions to wear masks, support for a nationwide mask mandate, and willingness to share messages on social media. We find support for the efficacy of ideology-matched moral arguments and generally find support for the boomerang effect of ideology-mismatched moral arguments. However, these effects were restricted to relatively liberal audiences; politically conservative message recipients did not differentiate between message conditions. We discuss these asymmetric effects and their implications for theory in moral rhetoric.

On the Efficacy of Accuracy Prompts Across Partisan Lines: An Adversarial Collaboration

The spread of misinformation is a pressing societal challenge. Prior work shows that shifting attention to accuracy increases the quality of people's news-sharing decisions. However, researchers disagree on whether accuracy-prompt interventions work for U.S. Republicans/conservatives and whether partisanship moderates the effect. In this preregistered adversarial collaboration, we tested this question using a multiverse meta-analysis (k = 21; N = 27,828). In all 70 models, accuracy prompts improved sharing discernment among Republicans/conservatives. We observed significant partisan moderation for single-headline "evaluation" treatments (a critical test for one research team) such that the effect was stronger among Democrats than Republicans. However, this moderation was not consistently robust across different operationalizations of ideology/partisanship, exclusion criteria, or treatment type. Overall, we observed significant partisan moderation in 50% of specifications (all of which were considered critical for the other team). We discuss the conditions under which moderation is observed and offer interpretations.

If you really love nothing. Evaluating second-order factors in the case of Italian constitutional referendum of 2020

The paper evaluates several second-order factors to explain the outcomes of the 2020 constitutional referendum held in Italy. This particular referendum serves as a relevant case study to assess the significance of second-order factors, given its unique characteristics, including the simplicity of the referendum question regarding the reduction in the number of parliamentarians (MPs), the minimal impact on public finances resulting from this reduction, and the subsequent decrease in territorial democratic representation. While it might have been expected that a significant majority would vote in favour of the "No" option, thus preserving the current levels of territorial coverage (and democratic representation) of MPs, the actual results saw a substantial majority in favour of the "Yes" vote (69%). Our argument posits that the overwhelming prevalence of the "Yes" vote (to reduce the number of MPs), especially in poorer areas of the country, can be attributed to specific factors that influence individual evaluations in a direct-democratic setting. In greater detail, by using cross-sectional data, the paper tests the role of socio-economic condition, trust in institutions and political participation in affecting the referendum outcome. The results of our empirical analysis confirm our hypotheses, demonstrating that second-order factors indeed influenced the referendum's outcome. Specifically, our analysis reveals that: (i) a higher socio-economic condition could generate a higher share of "No" votes; (ii) a higher trust in institutions could lead to an increase in the share of "No" votes; finally, that (iii) an increase in political participation could produce a decrease in the share of "No" votes. In the concluding section of the paper, we discuss how this analysis contributes new insights to the study of voting behaviour in direct-democratic contexts.

Uncovering lobbying strategies in sustainable finance disclosure regulations using machine learning

PURPOSE

We analyse lobbying behaviour by using Machine Learning approaches. In the context of Sustainable Finance Disclosure Regulation (SFDR), we gain detailed insights, assign these to existing strategies, and measure how strongly which participant influences the regulation.

STUDY DESIGN/METHODOLOGY/APPROACH

We use tri-gram analysis, sentiment analysis, and similarity analysis as methods to obtain insights into the political commentary process of European Supervisory Authorities (ESAs) drafts dealing with SFDR.

FINDINGS

Our metadata helps to identify stakeholders and lobbying strategies. We found that the most negative comments came from the regulated, who argued strongly subjectively in a very objective environment of ESG disclosure. We also identified typical lobbying strategies based on arguments, persuasion, and classic cost-benefit considerations.

ORIGINALITY/VALUE

We generate emotion values and synthesise detailed argument differences and show that modern algorithms can contribute to the identification of interest groups and lobbying strategies. Furthermore, we generate similarity values of arguments that can be taken into account in the analysis of the success of a lobbying strategy.

Opposite effects of RWA and SDO on war support: Chinese public opinion toward Russia's war in Ukraine

Previous research has identified the combined effects of Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) on individuals' militant attitudes. Much of the existing studies have been conducted in the United States and Europe, where political cleavage is drawn between liberalism and conservatism and where RWA and SDO are aligned with conservatism. In this article, we argue that in a different ideological backdrop where RWA and SDO are not bound by conservative ideology, their influence on war support varies. We use the case study of China, in which socialist ideology upholds authoritarianism but opposes social dominance. We hypothesize that in a war in which the state acquiesces, regime loyalists high on RWA and low on SDO tend to back the war, while regime critics low on RWA and high on SDO are less supportive. Using longitudinal data with a nationwide online sample (Time 1: N = 1000, Time 2: N = 500) collected during the war in Ukraine, we confirmed the opposite effects of RWA (measured by the traditionalism subscale) and SDO (measured by the dominance subscale) on war support. The findings extend our understanding of the impacts of authoritarianism and social dominance in a context beyond the United States and Europe.

Conservatism, anti-vaccination attitudes, and intellectual humility: examining their associations through a social judgment theory framework

Previous research has consistently found that more political conservatism is related to higher anti-vaccination attitudes. However, little work has investigated how intellectual humility could potentially contribute to this relationship. Employing the social judgment theory of attitude change, we examined whether conservatism could mediate the association between intellectual humility and anti-vaccination attitudes. Participants (N = 1,293; 40.1% female; Mage = 38.23 years, SDage = 11.61, range of age was 18-78) completed a multifaceted measure of intellectual humility, an assessment of four types of anti-vaccination attitudes, and a measure of political orientation. Results from structural equation modeling revealed that decreased levels of most aspects of intellectual humility (i.e., independence of intellect and ego, openness to revising one's viewpoint, and lack of intellectual overconfidence) are associated with more conservative political views, which in turn is associated with stronger anti-vaccination attitudes, particularly worries about unforeseen future effects, concerns about commercial profiteering, and preference for natural immunity. These findings suggest that intellectual humility could reflect one's latitude widths, thereby predicting their openness to vaccine massaging, and thus may play an important role in addressing anti-vaccination attitudes, especially when politics is involved.

Motivated to vote? The effect of flooding on political participation

This paper investigates changes in political participation following a disaster. Drawing on the electoral results and flood declarations after the 2010 flood in Slovakia, a dataset was constructed that illustrates when and how often each municipality was affected by disastrous conditions before the elections. The analysis revealed that experiencing a flood significantly increased the level of political participation in a municipality. However, the effect of flooding on elections is conditional. First, significantly higher turnout occurs only when a flood affects the municipality on election day. Second, repeated flooding before the elections does not change the overall participation rate. In contrast, it is the one-time, continuous extreme weather event that most mobilises voters. Third, only severely affected municipalities demonstrated a significant turnout effect. Lastly, the timing variable is crucial in determining the impact of repetition and severity. This paper distinguishes between different kinds of flood events that can influence disaster behaviour.

Comparing the influence of intellectual humility, religiosity, and political conservatism on vaccine attitudes in the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom

Three studies of US, Canada, and UK respondents examined pro-vaccine attitudes as predicted by intellectual humility, belief in science, religiosity, and political attitudes. Intellectual humility refers to the capacity to understand limits of one's own beliefs and showed strong relationship to pro-vaccine attitudes across samples. Pro-vaccine attitudes were correlated with intellectual humility and negatively correlated with political conservatism and religiosity. Regression models compared overlapping influences of belief predictors on vaccine attitudes. Across countries, intellectual humility was the most consistent predictor of pro-vaccine attitudes when controlling for other beliefs and thinking styles (political conservatism, belief in science, religiosity). In comparison, political conservatism was a significant predictor of vaccine attitudes in regression models on US and Canadian respondents, and religiosity only held as a predictor in regression models in the US sample. We conclude with a discussion of intellectual humility as a predictor of vaccine attitudes and implications for research and persuasion.

By Design: How People Adapt to Cognitive Limitations in Politics

Elections, jury deliberations, lawmaking, high-stakes negotiations and related activities are human attempts to answer the question "How should we live?" Collectively, we know these activities as politics. Politics are how societies attempt to reconcile diverse individual needs with potential benefits of social coordination. People's beliefs about what others will do ainfluence many political strategies and outcomes. This article reviews how properties of cognition affect these political phenomena. Contrary to the common belief that many citizens are too ignorant to make competent political decisions, we focus on a central finding of social science-how societies can design contexts and environments to overcome individual cognitive limitations. These adaptations expand societal capacities to provide essential goods, services, and protections. In addition to explaining these adaptations, we also show how greater collaborations between cognitive science and the social sciences can help societies do even better.

The shared psychological roots of prejudice and conspiracy theory belief

The psychological literature on prejudice and conspiracy theory belief have generally remained distinct, implicitly treating the two as unrelated phenomena. In this brief review, I demonstrate that the two phenomena share at least three dispositional precursors: ingroup bias, right-wing ideology (specifically right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation), and need for closure. The evidence I present suggests that prejudice and conspiracy beliefs may be more closely related both conceptually and normatively than existing research has indicated. In particular, they may appear in the same individuals, cause similar kinds of harms in adherents as well as target populations, and respond to similar counteractive interventions.