What drives disagreement about moral hypocrisy? Perceived comparability and how people exploit it to criticize enemies and defend allies

Charges of hypocrisy are usually thought to be to be damning. Yet when a hypocrisy charge is made, there often remains disagreement about whether or not its target really is a hypocrite. Why? Three pre-registered experiments (N = 2599) conceptualize and test the role of perceived comparability in evaluating hypocrisy. Calling someone a hypocrite typically entails invoking a comparison-one meant to highlight internal contradiction and cast moral character into question. Yet there is ambiguity about which sorts of comparisons are valid in the first place. We argue that disagreements about moral hypocrisy often boil down to disagreements about comparability. Although the comparability of two situations should not depend on whose behavior is being scrutinized, observers shift comparability judgments in line with social motives to criticize or defend. In short, we identify a cognitive factor that can help to explain why, for similar patterns of behavior, people see hypocrisy in their enemies but consistency in themselves and their allies.

Do some prefer to pay? Identifying bias against free COVID-19 tests

Objectives

In the United States, a federal emergency program has made SARS-CoV-2 self-test kits available at no cost. It is unclear how widely free tests are preferred. We conducted a survey to estimate the proportion of respondents who do not prefer a free test. We hypothesized that free tests would not be preferred universally, and that a preference for paying would be more common among those with conservative politics than with liberal politics, regardless of income.

Design

Observational study design.

Methods

A national sample of US adults completed an online survey. To reduce potential enrollment bias, the survey's focus was not specified beforehand. To prioritize a high-risk group, participation was limited to those who were unvaccinated or were incompletely vaccinated in the primary series against COVID-19. Participants reported their testing preferences and socio-demographic characteristics, including political affiliation. The main outcome assessed if a participant preferred to pay for a self-test or receive a free one (subsidized by the US government).

Results

Among 1215 participants, (73%, n = 886) preferred free self-testing, while 27% (n = 329) preferred to pay for the same testing. After adjusting for income, the odds of preferring to pay for self-testing were 66% higher in "strong" Republicans compared to "strong" Democrats (odds ratio = 1.66, 95% confidence interval = 1.07-2.62).

Conclusions

More than a quarter of individuals preferred paying for these tests. This preference was more likely among those with right-wing politics. Policy implications are discussed, along with future research directions.

Global panel data on World governance and state fragility from 2006 to 2022

This global panel dataset contains information collected from two different sources (The Fund for Peace and World Bank), on the governance and stability levels of 178 countries between 2006 and 2022. The dataset includes information on 1) Cohesion (security apparatus (C1), factionalized elites (C2), and group grievance (C3)), 2) Economic (economy (E1), economic inequality (E2), and human flight and brain drain (E3)), 3) Political (state legitimacy (P1), public services (P2), and human rights (P3)) indicators, 4) Social and cross-cutting (demographic pressures (S1), refugees and internally displaced persons (S2), and external intervention (X1)), and 5) Governance (voice and accountability (G1), political stability and absence of violence/terrorism (G2), government effectiveness (G3), regulatory quality (G4), rule of law (G5), and control of corruption (G6)). Data analysis was carried out using SPSS version 29 software to ensure a complete description of the data (labels, type and measure of variables, and uniformity of decimals), as well as the imputation possibility of missing data, which will allow future researchers to study both cross-sectional and longitudinal relationships between the five types of indicators and the eighteen indicators reported.

US public opinion about reproductive health care in school-based health centers

OBJECTIVES

This study aimed to examine public support for the provision of seven reproductive health services in school-based health centers, including pregnancy testing, over-the-counter contraceptives, prescription (Rx) contraceptives, sexually transmitted disease testing, sexually transmitted disease treatment, gynecological examinations, sexual violence counseling, and an index measure combining all services.

STUDY DESIGN

We administered a large national online survey (N = 4196, response rate 31%) of US adults using Lucid, a large, internet-based, opt-in panel to assess public attitudes about offering sexual and reproductive health services in school-based health centers. We then used t tests and weighted linear regression models to carry out our study objectives.

RESULTS

Unadjusted analysis revealed that 60% of respondents supported the provision of all reproductive health services (combined) at school-based health centers. Regression analysis based on the index measure suggested that individuals identifying as Trump voters (p-value = 0.00) or conservatives (p-value = 0.00) reported the lowest support, while those identifying as liberal (p-value = 0.00) reported the highest support, controlling for demographic and health characteristics.

CONCLUSIONS

Respondents overwhelmingly support the provision of reproductive health services at school-based health centers, including pregnancy testing, over-the-counter contraceptives, prescription contraceptives, testing and treatment for sexually transmitted infections, and sexual violence counseling.

IMPLICATIONS

Adolescence is an important stage for sexual maturation, and access to appropriate sexual and reproductive health services can support healthy development into adulthood. Findings suggest that most respondents support the provision of reproductive health services at school-based health centers while there are important factors that influence public support.

What's in a name? Political and economic concepts differ in social media references to harmful algae blooms

Policies and management decisions in the marine environment are driven in part by public sentiment which can grow more intense during hazard events like Harmful Algae Blooms (HABs). The public conversations on social media sites like Twitter (before X) reveal the polarized nature of HABs through nuanced language and sentiment. This article uses mixed methods of machine learned topic modeling and inductive qualitative coding to describe the ways the long-term 2017-2019 Karenia brevis "red tide" bloom were politicized across Florida's South West coast. It finds that there are topical differences in keywords related to place (e.g. beach, Florida, coast), agent (individual or organization), and epistemic values (reliance on scientific and/or media reports). These topical differences demonstrate different levels of politicization and partisanship in qualitative analysis. Conceptually, this research demonstrates the ways different dimensions of a long-duration marine hazard can be polarized. Regarding management, this research provides insights to political and organizational stakeholders and the gaps in the discourse shaping marine hazards which can be used to strategically guide future social media engagement to manage politicization. What if all the careful work that resource and environmental managers do can be undone by simple, seemingly uncontroversial words? In an era of increased environmental and marine distress-coupled with short format communication-the ways environmental managers choose their words is crucial, even between ostensibly inconsequential nouns like "red tide" or "algae bloom." Policies and management decisions in the marine environment are driven in part by public sentiment which can grow more intense during hazard events like Harmful Algae Blooms (HABs). The public conversations on social media sites like Twitter (before X) reveal the polarized nature of HABs through nuanced language and sentiment. This article relies on mining social media posts, and uses mixed methods of machine-learned topic modeling and human-driven inductive qualitative coding to describe the ways the long-term 2017-2019 Karenia brevis "red tide" blooms were politicized across Florida's South West coast. It finds that there are topical differences in keywords related to place (e.g. beach, Florida, coast), agent (individual or organization), and epistemic values (reliance on scientific and/or media reports). These topical differences demonstrate different levels of politicization and partisanship in qualitative analysis. Conceptually, this research demonstrates the ways different dimensions of a long-duration marine hazard can be polarized. Regarding management, this research provides insights to political and organizational stakeholders and the gaps in the discourse shaping marine hazards which can be used to strategically guide future social media engagement to manage politicization.

Political factors, carbon emissions, and life expectancy in India: Implications for the Sustainable Development Goal 3

This study examines the nexus among political factors, carbon emissions, and life expectancy between 1990 and 2020 in India. Data for this study was extracted from the World Bank Development indicators, after which it was subjected to econometrics analysis. The results showed that on averages, between 1990 and 2020, India experienced a life expectancy around 65 years. Fossil fuel energy consumption represents a small proportion of total energy consumption in India. However, carbon emissions and life expectancy have a positive and significant relationship. Fossil fuel usage and life expectancy possess a significantly positive relationship (FFEC = 0.044128, P-value = 0.0023) Moreover, government effectiveness and life expectancy have a significant direct relationship. Political stability and life expectancy have a significant negative relationship in the country. We conclude that policymakers in India should ensure that carbon emissions and fossil fuel usage in India do not pose a threat to life expectancy. Efforts should be put in place by policymakers in India to increase life expectancy , a strategic component of SDG 3- good health and well being for all at all ages, by ensuring stable political climate, good governance and efficient health enhanced public policies.

Suspicious business: COVID-19 vaccination in Palabek refugee settlement, northern Uganda

Dichotomised debates in public health discourse regarding COVID-19 vaccine supply and vaccine hesitancy do not capture the realities of vaccine uptake in Palabek refugee settlement, northern Uganda. Issues of supply, which analyse manufacture and distribution, foreground global inequalities and political influences. In contrast, vaccine hesitancy, emphasing rectifying deficiencies in knowledge and trust, leaves little room for the politics that shape vaccine uptake. The 'vaccine anxieties' framework problematises these dichotomised debates and proposes consideration of bodily, social and political dimensions. This article builds on the vaccine anxieties framework in relation to ethnographic research conducted in Palabek. Using the worldview of Acholi refugees from South Sudan, a focus on 'suspicious business' demonstrates that debates surrounding vaccine supply and hesitancy are intertwined, and, additionally, suggests spiritual elements should be paid greater attention. In Palabek, inconsistencies in distribution directly impacted vaccine uptake. Furthermore, vaccine interventions that built on deficiency models did not work. Vaccine uptake was inseparable from its biopolitical context that continued to perpetuate the same unequal dynamics of power and control that kept wealth circulating amongst certain powers, whilst others faced worsening precarity but remained perpetual recipients of humanitarian assistance and global health intervention, with little prospect of meaningful change. Suspicious business captures fluid dynamics that move between spiritual and physical realms, capturing wider geopolitical dynamics as they are revealed in everyday lives. In doing so, this flexible approach reveals the centrality of the politics of COVID-19, whilst constantly incorporating evolving dynamics. This flexibility provides potential for improving vaccine uptake, if wider geopolitical inequalities are addressed.

What Do We Teach to Engineering Students: Embedded Ethics, Morality, and Politics

In the past few years, calls for integrating ethics modules in engineering curricula have multiplied. Despite this positive trend, a number of issues with these 'embedded' programs remains. First, learning goals are underspecified. A second limitation is the conflation of different dimensions under the same banner, in particular confusion between ethics curricula geared towards addressing the ethics of individual conduct and curricula geared towards addressing ethics at the societal level. In this article, we propose a tripartite framework to overcome these difficulties. Our framework analytically decomposes an ethics module into three dimensions. First, there is the ethical dimension, which pertains to the learning goals. Second, there is the moral dimension, which addresses the moral relevance of engineers' conduct. Finally, there is the political dimension, which scales up issues of moral relevance at the civic level. All in all, our framework has two advantages. First, it provides analytic clarity, i.e. it enables course instructors to locate ethical dilemmas in either the moral or political realm and to make use of the tools and resources from moral and/or political philosophy. Second, it depicts a comprehensive ethical training, which enables students to both reason about moral issues in the abstract, and to socially contextualize potential solutions.

Why are there differences across German states in student achievement and cognitive ability?

Background

For more than twenty years, large and generally stable differences in academic achievement and cognitive ability have been reported within Germany. In such studies, the southern regions lead in the west and east, while city-states lag behind. Expressed in school learning time, the students in Bavaria are 14 months ahead of the students in Bremen. It is striking that there are no or only marginally received studies on causes and consequences.

Purpose

This study attempts to explore the causes and consequences of the differences within Germany and what can be learned in general about their development.

Materials and methods

We use data from student assessment and other studies (e.g., PISA, IQB) and apply correlational and path analyses, controlled for various background factors.

Results

There are no stable correlations with evolution (genes), educational level of society (adult school years) and wealth (GDP per capita). However, there are high correlations, robust across indicators, with "burgher-conservative" education policies, e.g., central exit examinations, early tracking, grades at a young age (around r ≈ .65); with measures of students' quantity of education (hours of instruction, no teacher shortage; r ≈ .40); with measures of tertiary educational quality and appreciation of education (university quality, short duration of studies, professors' salaries; r ≈ .50); with student native/immigrant ratio (r ≈ .50); with middle-class burgher lifestyle (less private debt, less welfare dependency and less crime; r ≈ .60); and with burgher-conservative-right politics (share of votes for CDU/CSU and non-left parties, non-left state governments; r ≈ .80). Longitudinal analyses over four decades reveal interaction effects, i.e., more burgher policies statistically lead to more cognitively competent students (β ≈ .45) and more cognitively competent populations vote for burgher parties (β ≈ .30).

Conclusions

The results, which support the efficacy a bourgeois-conservative education policy and of lower immigration rates, are delicate for the practice of student achievement research and for the political milieu that dominates the social sciences.

Neurodiversity and disability: what is at stake?

Neurodiversity has come hugely to the fore in recent years in a variety of contexts, and is now subject to academic debate, activist discussion, and increasingly embedded in a range of institutional and corporate settings in the Global North, from workplaces to early years education, from psychotherapy to mainstream political discourses. The term has gained traction in Medical Humanities, as well as debate within bioethics, philosophy of psychology, and of law. Institutionally, it is now relied on in therapeutic practice, autism service provision, as well as in higher education, in particular. In this conceptual article we examine what is at stake in these usages and the implications in need of scrutiny. We resituate neurodiversity in relation to questions of disability by examining the deployment of neurology as the basis for identity, rights and benefits. The emergence of the term and the understandings to which it gives rise, we argue, leave out urgent questions of what is at stake for disabled people in a political climate of increasing harshness and ableism.

The "Mother of All Protests" Meets Israeli Older Persons: When Age and Gender Intersect in Political Protests

OBJECTIVES

The Israeli government's announcement of a judicial overhaul has resulted in ongoing protests and strikes starting in early 2023. The present study examines the intersection between age and gender in political protests.

METHODS

The present qualitative study is based on interviews with 13 men and 17 women over the age of 65 who participated in the protests. We conducted qualitative thematic analysis comparing and contrasting categories within and between interviews, while taking the gender perspective into account.

RESULTS

The study highlights patterns of gendered but also older-age protesting practices. Whereas men fought for the sake of past generations, women protested mainly for the sake of their children and grandchildren. In addition, men tended to capitalize on their past achievements as fighters, whereas women emphasized their current achievements as grandmothers.

DISCUSSION

Our findings suggest that under some circumstances, even stereotypical devalued attributes (e.g., being a grandmother) can be used as powerful tools to attract supporters and fight for a cause. Older men, on the other hand, tend to hold on to their past achievements as fighters, at the top of the hegemonic hierarchy to ensure their power and status in current protests. To ensure the appeal of political protests, heterogeneity in motives and protesting styles should be acknowledged.

The City Clinic Cohort Study: Hepatitis B, HTLV-III/LAV, and CDC AIDS Project 24

Anticipating the availability of a safe vaccine, scientists at the Center for Disease Control (CDC) planned for a multicenter study of the prevalence, incidence, and efficacy of an experimental vaccine for hepatitis B in 1977, conducted the study among homosexual male volunteers in five collaborating sexually transmitted infection (STI) clinics in the United States from April 1978 through 1980, and concluded that the candidate vaccine was highly efficacious in preventing infections with the hepatitis B virus. Then something completely unexpected and portentous happened. Some successfully vaccinated as well as other homosexual and bisexual men began to show signs and symptoms of a rare cancer, Kaposi's sarcoma, and opportunistic infections typically associated with severe immunodeficiency. As early as October 1983, members of the Hepatitis B study cohort in San Francisco were invited to return to the city STI clinic for further examinations, testing, and confidential interviews about their sexual and other practices. CDC AIDS Project 24 was designed to help describe the natural history of AIDS, define risk factors, and predict future trends. It produced some of the earliest and most convincing scientific evidence about the seriousness and extent of the AIDS epidemic among homosexual and bisexual men in the United States. How the City Clinic Cohort Study came about and evolved is the focus of this commentary.

Integrating Advocacy into Your Practice

In the last 60 years, health care has evolved due to many trends including the introduction of third-party payers, a progressively aging society, advancing technology, emerging recognition of social issues of race/gender/poverty, the relative decline in the physician workforce, rising health care costs, ongoing consolidation of health care entities, and the corporatization of health care delivery. This has led to problems in health care delivery with respect to cost, quality, and access. Many medical leaders feel it is now the duty of the physician to go beyond the classic patient-doctor clinical responsibility and work to advocate for their patients and society regarding economic, financial, educational, and social issues.

HIV/AIDS, SARS, and COVID-19: the trajectory of China's pandemic responses and its changing politics in a contested world

The COVID-19 pandemic has revealed the contested politics of global health governance, though we still don't know enough about the dynamics of domestic pandemic responses, or about the relationship between the politics of those responses and the politics of global health governance, both of which have changed significantly in recent decades. Focusing on three cases (HIV/AIDS, SARS, and COVID-19) of cross-border infectious diseases, this article explores the trajectory of China's pandemic responses in the context of globalization. Attending to changing politics at domestic, international, and global levels, I argue that those responses have been a complex combination of China's domestic politics (e.g., priorities, institutions, leadership, and timing), its international relations (especially with the US), and its engagements with global health governance. It is concluded that the increasing divergence of pandemic responses in a time of ubiquitous global health crisis demands urgent attention to the connections (including contestations) between domestic pandemic responses and the evolvement of global health governance from a broader perspective that considers changes in geopolitics.

Trusting information on cancer varies by source of information and political viewpoint

PURPOSE

This study investigated how trusting information on cancer varies by the source of information and political viewpoint.

METHODS

This study used cross-sectional survey data from the 2020 Health Information National Trends Survey (HINTS). The study comprised a sample of 2949 adults 18 years and older. The outcome variable was measured by assessing respondents' trust in cancer-related information from various sources, including religious organizations and leaders, government health agencies, charitable organizations, family or friends, and doctors. Political viewpoint was measured as liberal, moderate, and conservative. Multivariate linear probability models were estimated and adjusted for individual-level characteristics.

RESULTS

Multivariate analysis found that conservatives (73%, 95% CI = 68-78%) were significantly less likely to trust information on cancer from government health agencies compared to liberals (84%, 95% CI = 80-88%). There was no statistically significant difference in trusting government health agencies between liberals and moderates (80%, 95% CI = 76-84%). Both moderates (27%, 95% CI = 21-34%) and conservatives (34%, 95% CI = 29-39%) were more likely to trust information on cancer from religious organizations and leaders compared to liberals (19%, 95% CI = 13-24%). The relationship between political viewpoint and trust of doctors, family or friends, and charitable organizations were not statistically significant.

CONCLUSION

Compared to liberals, conservatives are more likely to trust information on cancer from religious organizations and leaders and less likely to trust government health agencies when adjusting for other covariates. This finding emphasizes the role of political viewpoint in shaping individuals' perceptions of information sources and cancer-related information.

Politics in Transitional Spaces: Direct and Indirect Political Participation

This paper seeks to build on Carriere's (2022) work on the complex, pervasive, and dialogical nature of politics and extend this treatment to examine the politics of the transitional, liminal, and "in-between spaces." In particular, we analyze the theatrical nature of politics by examining how roads and streets become a "dynamic stage" (Valsiner, 2004, p. 2) where private and public policies enter into dynamic dialogical relationships. We distinguish between direct, direct but distanced, and indirect peripheral political participation and explore how roads and streets enable redundant and dramatic communicative processes that feed into the internalization/externalization meaning-making processes (Valsiner, 2014). Finally, we analyze the process of the emergence of roads and streets as a result of complex interactions between public policies, ordinances, and values. We extend this exploration to an illustrative case in Oahu, Hawai'i to demonstrate how streets become constructed and organized to provide affective guidance. We conclude by arguing that the absence of political messages or overt political actions does not mean the absence of politics - power dynamics are still at play in the liminal and transitional zones of human living.

The Question of the Origins of COVID-19 and the Ends of Science

Intense public interest in scientific claims about COVID-19, concerning its origins, modes of spread, evolution, and preventive and therapeutic strategies, has focused attention on the values to which scientists are assumed to be committed and the relationship between science and other public discourses. A much discussed claim, which has stimulated several inquiries and generated far-reaching political and economic consequences, has been that SARS-CoV-2 was deliberately engineered at the Wuhan Institute of Virology and then, either inadvertently or otherwise, released to the public by a laboratory worker. This has been pursued despite a clear refutation, through comprehensive genomic analysis, of the hypothesis that the virus was deliberately engineered and the failure of detailed investigations to identify any evidence in support of a laboratory leak. At the same time a substantial, established body of knowledge about the many factors underlying the emergence of novel zoonotic diseases has been largely ignored-including climate change and other mechanisms of environmental destruction, tourism, patterns of trade, and cultural influences. The existence and conduct of these debates have raised questions about the vulnerability of science to manipulation for political purposes. Scientific discourses are vulnerable because: (i) claims can be made with no more than probabilistic force; (ii) alleged "facts" are always subject to interpretation, which depends on social, ethical, and epistemological assumptions; and (iii) science and scientists are not inherently committed to any single set of values and historically have served diverse, and sometimes perverse, social and political interests. In the face of this complexity, the COVID-19 experience highlights the need for processes of ethical scrutiny of the scientific enterprise and its strategic deployment. To ensure reliability of truth claims and protection from corrupting influences robust ethical discourses are required that are independent of, and at times even contrary to, those of science itself.

Urban Health Scholarship and Practice in the Post-Pandemic Era

The COVID-19 pandemic highlighted several challenges that cities face that can affect the health of urban populations. These challenges are an opportunity for sharpening of our urban health scholarship, to rethink the questions the field should be asking, and how the answers to those questions should guide practice. The central role of inequities in cities, the politics of urban health, communication for health, the deployment of health care, and the future of urban living are all areas that merit attention by scholars and practitioners in the field in coming decades.