An objective and reliable electrophysiological marker for implicit trustworthiness perception

Learned trustworthiness does not have the same influence on implicit responses measured via fast periodic visual stimulation as face trustworthiness

Past research has demonstrated that it is possible to detect implicit responses to face trustworthiness using fast periodic visual stimulation (FPVS). Because people readily retrieve affective associations with faces, the current study investigated whether learned trustworthiness would yield similar responses to face trustworthiness as measured via FPVS. After learning to associate faces with untrustworthy or trustworthy behaviors, participants completed three separate tasks while electroencephalography (EEG) was recorded. In each of these tasks, participants viewed oddball sequences of faces where a single base face was presented repeatedly at a rate of 6 Hz and oddball faces with different identities were presented every fifth face (6 Hz/5 = 1.2 Hz). Providing evidence of learning, the oddball response at 1.2 Hz and its harmonics was stronger for the learned faces compared to novel faces over bilateral occipitotemporal cortex and beyond. In addition, reproducing previous findings with face trustworthiness, we observed a stronger response at 1.2 Hz and its harmonics for sequences with less trustworthy-looking versus trustworthy-looking oddball faces over bilateral occipitotemporal cortex and other sites. However, contrary to our predictions, we did not observe a significant influence of learned trustworthiness on the oddball response. These data indicate that impressions based on learning are treated differently than impressions based on appearance, and they raise questions about the types of design and stimuli that yield responses that are measurable via FPVS.

Facial first impressions are not mandatory: A priming investigation

A common assertion is that, based around prominent character traits, first impressions are spontaneously extracted from faces. Specifically, mere exposure to a person is sufficient to trigger the involuntary extraction of core personality characteristics (e.g., trustworthiness, dominance, competence), an outcome that supports a range of significant judgments (e.g., hiring, investing, electing). But is this in fact the case? Noting ambiguities in the extant literature, here we used a repetition priming procedure to probe the extent to which impressions of dominance are extracted from faces absent the instruction to evaluate the stimuli in this way. Across five experiments in which either the character trait of interest was made increasingly obvious to participants (Expts. 1-3) or attention was explicitly directed toward the faces to generate low-level/high-level judgments (Expts. 4 & 5), no evidence for the spontaneous extraction of first impressions was observed. Instead, priming only emerged when judgments of dominance were an explicit requirement of the task at hand. Thus, at least using a priming methodology, the current findings contest the notion that first impressions are a mandatory product of person perception.

Three's a crowd: Fast ensemble perception of first impressions of trustworthiness

Trustworthiness impressions are fundamental social judgements with far-reaching consequences in many aspects of society, including criminal justice, leadership selection and partner preferences. Thus far, most research has focused on facial characteristics that make a face individually appear more or less trustworthy. However, in everyday life, faces are not always perceived in isolation but are often encountered in crowds. It has been proposed that we deal with the large amount of facial information in a group by extracting summary statistics of the crowd, a phenomenon called ensemble perception. Prior research showed that ensemble perception occurs for various facial features, such as emotional expression, facial identity, and attractiveness. Here, we investigated whether observers can integrate the level of trustworthiness from multiple faces to extract an average impression of the crowd. Across four studies, participants were presented with crowds of faces and were asked to report their average level of trustworthiness with an adjustment (Experiment 1) and a rating task (Experiments 2 and 3). Participants were able to extract an ensemble perception of trustworthiness impressions from multiple faces. Moreover, observers were able to form a summary statistic of trustworthiness impressions from a group of faces as quickly as 250 ms (Experiment 4). Taken together, these results demonstrate that ensemble perception can occur at the level of impressions of trustworthiness. Thus, these critical social judgements not only occur for individual faces but are also integrated into a unique ensemble impression of crowds. Our findings contribute to the development of a more ecological approach to the study of trust impressions, since they provide an understanding of trustworthiness judgements not only on an individual level, but on a much broader social group level. Furthermore, our results drive forward new theory because they demonstrate for the first time that ensemble representations cover a broad range of phenomena than previously recognized, including complex high-level facial trait judgements such as trustworthiness impressions.

Children show neural sensitivity to facial trustworthiness as measured by fast periodic visual stimulation

Adults exhibit neural responses over the visual occipito-temporal area in response to faces that vary in how trustworthy they appear. However, it is not yet known when a mature pattern of neural sensitivity can be seen in children. Using a fast periodic visual stimulation (FPVS) paradigm, face images were presented to 8-to-9-year-old children (an age group which shows development of trust impressions; N = 31) and adult (N = 33) participants at a rate of 6 Hz (6 face images per second). Within this sequence, an 'oddball' face differing in the level of facial trustworthiness compared to the other faces, was presented at a rate of 1 Hz (once per second). Children were sensitive to variations in facial trustworthiness, showing reliable and significant neural responses at 1 Hz in the absence of instructions to respond to facial trustworthiness. Additionally, the magnitude of children's and adults' neural responses was similar, with strong Bayesian evidence that implicit neural responses to facial trustworthiness did not differ across the groups, and therefore, that visual sensitivity to differences in facial trustworthiness can show mature patterns by this age. Thus, nine or less years of social experience, perceptual and/or cognitive development may be sufficient for adult-like neural sensitivity to facial trustworthiness to emerge. We also validate the use of the FPVS methodology to examine children's implicit face-based trust processing for the first time, which is especially valuable in developmental research because this paradigm requires no explicit instructions or responses from participants.

Understanding trait impressions from faces

Impressions from faces are made remarkably quickly and they can underpin behaviour in a wide variety of social contexts. Over the last decade many studies have sought to trace the links between facial cues and social perception and behaviour. One such body of work has shown clear overlap between the fields of face perception and social stereotyping by demonstrating a role for conceptual stereotypes in impression formation from faces. We integrate these results involving conceptual influences on impressions with another substantial body of research in visual cognition which demonstrates that much of the variance in impressions can be predicted from perceptual, data-driven models using physical cues in face images. We relate this discussion to the phylogenetic, cultural, individual and developmental origins of facial impressions and define priority research questions for the field including investigating non-WEIRD cultures, tracking the developmental trajectory of impressions and determining the malleability of impression formation.

Trustworthiness perception is mandatory: Task instructions do not modulate fast periodic visual stimulation trustworthiness responses

Although it is often assumed that humans spontaneously respond to the trustworthiness of others’ faces, it is still unclear whether responses to facial trust are mandatory or can be modulated by instructions. Considerable scientific interest lies in understanding whether trust processing is mandatory, given the societal consequences of biased trusting behavior. We tested whether neural responses indexing trustworthiness discrimination depended on whether the task involved focusing on facial trustworthiness or not, using a fast periodic visual stimulation electroencephalography oddball paradigm with a neural marker of trustworthiness discrimination at 1 Hz. Participants judged faces on size without any reference to trust, explicitly formed impressions of facial trust, or were given a financial lending context that primed trust, without explicit trust judgement instructions. Significant trustworthiness discrimination responses at 1 Hz were found in all three conditions, demonstrating the robust nature of trustworthiness discrimination at the neural level. Moreover, no effect of task instruction was observed, with Bayesian analyses providing moderate to decisive evidence that task instruction did not affect trustworthiness discrimination. Our finding that visual trustworthiness discrimination is mandatory points to the remarkable spontaneity of trustworthiness processing, providing clues regarding why these often unreliable impressions are ubiquitous.

Why is the literature on first impressions so focused on White faces?

We spontaneously attribute to strangers a wide variety of character traits based on their facial appearance. While these first impressions have little or no basis in reality, they exert a strong influence over our behaviour. Cognitive scientists have revealed a great deal about first impressions from faces including their factor structure, the cues on which they are based, the neurocognitive mechanisms responsible, and their developmental trajectory. In this field, authors frequently strive to remove as much ethnic variability from stimulus sets as possible. Typically, this convention means that participants are asked to judge the likely traits of White faces only. In the present article, we consider four possible reasons for the lack of facial diversity in this literature and find that it is unjustified. Next, we illustrate how the focus on White faces has undermined scientific efforts to understand first impressions from faces and argue that it reinforces socially regressive ideas about 'race' and status. We go on to articulate our concern that opportunities may be lost to leverage the knowledge derived from the study of first impressions against the dire consequences of prejudice and discrimination. Finally, we highlight some promising developments in the field.