Covert processing of words and pictures in nonsemantic variants of primary progressive aphasia

Do age and language impairment affect speed of recognition for words with high and low closeness centrality within the phonological network?

PURPOSE

Speed and accuracy of lexical access change with healthy ageing and neurodegeneration. While a word's immediate phonological neighbourhood density (i.e. words differing by a single phoneme) influences access, connectivity to all words in the phonological network (i.e. closeness centrality) may influence processing. This study aimed to investigate the effect of closeness centrality on speed and accuracy of lexical processing pre- and post- a single word-training session in healthy younger and older adults, and adults with logopenic primary progressive aphasia (lvPPA), which affects phonological processing.

METHOD

Participants included 29 young and 17 older healthy controls, and 10 adults with lvPPA. Participants received one session of word-training on words with high or low closeness centrality, using a picture-word verification task. Changes in lexical decision reaction times (RT) and accuracy were measured.

RESULT

Baseline RT was unaffected by age and accuracy was at ceiling for controls. Post-training, only young adults' RT were significantly faster. Adults with lvPPA were slower and less accurate than controls at baseline, with no training effect. Closeness centrality did not influence performance.

CONCLUSION

Absence of training effect for older adults suggests higher threshold to induce priming, possibly associated with insufficient dosage or fatigue. Implications for word-finding interventions with older adults are discussed.

What Language Disorders Reveal About the Mechanisms of Morphological Processing

We addressed an understudied topic in the literature of language disorders, that is, processing of derivational morphology, a domain which requires integration of semantic and syntactic knowledge. Current psycholinguistic literature suggests that word processing involves morpheme recognition, which occurs immediately upon encountering a complex word. Subsequent processes take place in order to interpret the combination of stem and affix. We investigated the abilities of individuals with agrammatic (PPA-G) and logopenic (PPA-L) variants of primary progressive aphasia (PPA) and individuals with stroke-induced agrammatic aphasia (StrAg) to process pseudowords which violate either the syntactic (word class) rules (*reheavy) or the semantic compatibility (argument structure specifications of the base form) rules (*reswim). To this end, we quantified aspects of word knowledge and explored how the distinct deficits of the populations under investigation affect their performance. Thirty brain-damaged individuals and 10 healthy controls participated in a lexical decision task. We hypothesized that the two agrammatic groups (PPA-G and StrAg) would have difficulties detecting syntactic violations, while no difficulties were expected for PPA-L. Accuracy and Reaction Time (RT) patterns indicated: the PPA-L group made fewer errors but yielded slower RTs compared to the two agrammatic groups which did not differ from one another. Accuracy rates suggest that individuals with PPA-L distinguish *reheavy from *reswim, reflecting access to and differential processing of syntactic vs. semantic violations. In contrast, the two agrammatic groups do not distinguish between *reheavy and *reswim. The lack of difference stems from a particularly impaired performance in detecting syntactic violations, as they were equally unsuccessful at detecting *reheavy and *reswim. Reduced grammatical abilities assessed through language measures are a significant predictor for this performance, suggesting that the "hardware" to process syntactic information is impaired. Therefore, they can only judge violations semantically where both *reheavy and *reswim fail to pass as semantically ill-formed. This finding further suggests that impaired grammatical knowledge can affect word level processing as well. Results are in line with the psycholinguistic literature which postulates the existence of various stages in accessing complex pseudowords, highlighting the contribution of syntactic/grammatical knowledge. Further, it points to the worth of studying impaired language performance for informing normal language processes.

Modularity and granularity across the language network-A primary progressive aphasia perspective

Tests of grammar, repetition and semantics were administered to 62 prospectively enrolled right-handed participants with primary progressive aphasia (PPA). Structural brain images were obtained at the time of testing. Regression analyses uncovered 3 clearly delineated non-overlapping left hemisphere clusters where cortical thinning (atrophy) was significantly correlated with impaired performance. A morphosyntactic cluster associated with the grammaticality of sentence construction was located predominantly within the middle and inferior frontal gyri; a phonolexical cluster associated with language repetition was located in the temporoparietal junction; a lexicosemantic cluster associated with object naming and single word comprehension was located within the middle and anterior parts of the temporal lobe and extended into insular, orbitofrontal, and mediotemporal cortices. Commonality analyses were undertaken to explore whether these three clusters were as modular as indicated by the regression analyses or whether some underlying functional granularity could be uncovered. Modularity was defined as the exclusive association of an anatomical cluster with a single type of language task whereas granularity was defined as the association of a single anatomical cluster with more than one type of language task. The commonality analyses revealed a predominantly modular organization with quantitatively minor instances of inter-cluster granularity. The results also reconfirmed previous work on PPA which had shown that Wernicke's area is not essential for word comprehension, that naming impairments can be based either on deficits of lexical retrieval or word comprehension, and that the essential substrates of word comprehension encompass much wider areas of the temporal lobe than the temporal pole. The anatomy of the language network has traditionally been explored through patients with focal cerebrovascular accidents and experiments based on functional activation. Investigations on PPA are showing that focal neurodegenerations can add new perspectives to existing models of the language network.

Taxonomic Interference Associated with Phonemic Paraphasias in Agrammatic Primary Progressive Aphasia

Phonemic paraphasias are thought to reflect phonological (post-semantic) deficits in language production. Here we present evidence that phonemic paraphasias in non-semantic primary progressive aphasia (PPA) may be associated with taxonomic interference. Agrammatic and logopenic PPA patients and control participants performed a word-to-picture visual search task where they matched a stimulus noun to 1 of 16 object pictures as their eye movements were recorded. Participants were subsequently asked to name the same items. We measured taxonomic interference (ratio of time spent viewing related vs. unrelated foils) during the search task for each item. Target items that elicited a phonemic paraphasia during object naming elicited increased taxonomic interference during the search task in agrammatic but not logopenic PPA patients. These results could reflect either very subtle sub-clinical semantic distortions of word representations or partial degradation of specific phonological word forms in agrammatic PPA during both word-to-picture matching (input stage) and picture naming (output stage). The mechanism for phonemic paraphasias in logopenic patients seems to be different and to be operative at the pre-articulatory stage of phonological retrieval. Glucose metabolic imaging suggests that degeneration in the left posterior frontal lobe and left temporo-parietal junction, respectively, might underlie these different patterns of phonemic paraphasia.

Am I looking at a cat or a dog? Gaze in the semantic variant of primary progressive aphasia is subject to excessive taxonomic capture

Object naming impairments or anomias are the most frequent symptom in aphasia, and can be caused by a variety of underlying neurocognitive mechanisms. Anomia in neurodegenerative or primary progressive aphasias (PPA) often appears to be based on taxonomic blurring of word meaning: words such as "dog" and "cat" are still recognized generically as referring to animals, but are no longer conceptually differentiated from each other, leading to coordinate errors in word-object matching. This blurring is the hallmark symptom of the "semantic variant" of PPA, who invariably show focal atrophy in the left anterior temporal lobe. In this study we used eye tracking to characterize information processing online (in real time) as non-aphasic controls, semantic and non-semantic PPA participants completed a word-to-object matching task. All participants (including controls) showed taxonomic capture of gaze, spending more time viewing foils that were from the same category as the target compared to unrelated foils, but capture was more extreme in the semantic PPA group. The semantic group showed heightened capture even on trials where they ultimately pointed to the correct target, demonstrating the superiority of eye movements over traditional testing methods in detecting subtle processing impairments. Heightened capture was primarily driven by a tendency to direct gaze back and forth, repeatedly, between a set of related foils on each trial, a behavior almost never shown by controls or non-semantic participants. This suggests semantic PPA participants were accumulating and weighing evidence for a probabilistic rather than definitive mapping between the noun and several candidate objects. Neurodegeneration in PPA thus appears to distort lexical concepts prior to extinguishing them altogether, causing uncertainty in recognition and word-object matching.

Eye movements as probes of lexico-semantic processing in a patient with primary progressive aphasia

Eye movement trajectories during a verbally cued object search task were used as probes of lexico-semantic associations in an anomic patient with primary progressive aphasia. Visual search was normal on trials where the target object could be named but became lengthy and inefficient on trials where the object failed to be named. The abnormality was most profound if the noun denoting the object could not be recognized. Even trials where the name of the target object was recognized but not retrieved triggered abnormal eye movements, demonstrating that retrieval failures can have underlying associative components despite intact comprehension of the corresponding noun.

Primary progressive aphasia and the evolving neurology of the language network

Primary progressive aphasia (PPA) is caused by selective neurodegeneration of the language-dominant cerebral hemisphere; a language deficit initially arises as the only consequential impairment and remains predominant throughout most of the course of the disease. Agrammatic, logopenic and semantic subtypes, each reflecting a characteristic pattern of language impairment and corresponding anatomical distribution of cortical atrophy, represent the most frequent presentations of PPA. Such associations between clinical features and the sites of atrophy have provided new insights into the neurology of fluency, grammar, word retrieval, and word comprehension, and have necessitated modification of concepts related to the functions of the anterior temporal lobe and Wernicke's area. The underlying neuropathology of PPA is, most commonly, frontotemporal lobar degeneration in the agrammatic and semantic forms, and Alzheimer disease (AD) pathology in the logopenic form; the AD pathology often displays atypical and asymmetrical anatomical features consistent with the aphasic phenotype. The PPA syndrome reflects complex interactions between disease-specific neuropathological features and patient-specific vulnerability. A better understanding of these interactions might help us to elucidate the biology of the language network and the principles of selective vulnerability in neurodegenerative diseases. We review these aspects of PPA, focusing on advances in our understanding of the clinical features and neuropathology of PPA and what they have taught us about the neural substrates of the language network.

An area essential for linking word meanings to word forms: evidence from primary progressive aphasia

We investigated the relationship between deficits in naming and areas of focal atrophy in primary progressive aphasia (a neurodegenerative disease that specifically affects language processing). We tested patients, across multiple input modalities, on traditional naming tasks (picture naming) and more complex tasks (sentence completion with a name, naming in response to a question) and obtained high resolution MRI. Across most tasks, error rates were correlated with atrophy in the left middle and posterior inferior temporal gyrus. Overall, this result converges with prior literature suggesting that this region plays a major role in modality independent lexical processing.

Phonological facilitation of object naming in agrammatic and logopenic primary progressive aphasia (PPA)

Phonological processing deficits are characteristic of both the agrammatic and logopenic subtypes of primary progressive aphasia (PPA-G and PPA-L). However, it is an open question which substages of phonological processing (i.e., phonological word form retrieval, phonological encoding) are impaired in these subtypes of PPA, as well as how phonological processing deficits contribute to anomia. In the present study, participants with PPA-G (n = 7), participants with PPA-L (n = 7), and unimpaired controls (n = 17) named objects as interfering written words (phonologically related/unrelated) were presented at different stimulus onset asynchronies (SOAs) of 0, +100, +300, and +500 ms. Phonological facilitation (PF) effects (faster naming times with phonologically related interfering words) were found for the controls and PPA-L group only at SOA = 0 and +100 ms. However, the PPA-G group exhibited protracted PF effects (PF at SOA = 0, +100, and +300 ms). These results may reflect deficits in phonological encoding in PPA-G, but not in PPA-L, supporting the neuropsychological reality of this substage of phonological processing and the distinction between these two PPA subtypes.

Semantic interference during object naming in agrammatic and logopenic primary progressive aphasia (PPA)

This study examined the time course of object naming in 21 individuals with primary progressive aphasia (PPA) (8 agrammatic (PPA-G); 13 logopenic (PPA-L)) and healthy age-matched speakers (n=17) using a semantic interference paradigm with related and unrelated interfering stimuli presented at stimulus onset asynchronies (SOAs) of -1000, -500, -100 and 0 ms. Results showed semantic interference (SI) (i.e. significantly slower RTs in related compared to unrelated conditions) for all groups at -500, -100 and 0 ms, indicating timely spreading activation to semantic competitors. However, both PPA groups showed a greater magnitude of SI than normal across SOAs. The PPA-L group and six PPA-G participants also evinced SI at -1000 ms, suggesting an abnormal time course of semantic interference resolution, and concomitant left hemisphere cortical atrophy in brain regions associated with semantic processing. These subtle semantic mapping impairments in non-semantic variants of PPA may contribute to the anomia of these patients.

Electrophysiology of object naming in primary progressive aphasia

Primary progressive aphasia (PPA), a selective neurodegeneration of the language network, frequently causes object naming impairments. We examined the N400 event-related potential (ERP) to explore interactions between object recognition and word processing in 20 PPA patients and 15 controls. Participants viewed photographs of objects, each followed by a word that was either a match to the object, a semantically related mismatch, or an unrelated mismatch. Patients judged whether word-object pairs matched with high accuracy (94% PPA group; 98% control group), but they failed to exhibit the normal N400 category effect (N400c), defined as a larger N400 to unrelated versus related mismatch words. In contrast, the N400 mismatch effect (N400m), defined as a larger N400 to mismatch than match words, was observed in both groups. N400m magnitude was positively correlated with neuropsychological measures of word comprehension but not fluency or grammatical competence, and therefore reflected the semantic component of naming. After ERP testing, patients were asked to name the same set of objects aloud. Trials with objects that could not be named were found to lack an N400m, although the name had been correctly recognized at the matching stage. Even accurate overt naming did not necessarily imply normal semantic processing, as shown by the absent N400c. The N400m was preserved in one patient with postsemantic anomia, who could write the names of objects she could not verbalize. N400 analyses can thus help dissect the multiple cognitive mechanisms that contribute to object naming failures in PPA.

Quantitative template for subtyping primary progressive aphasia

BACKGROUND

The syndrome of primary progressive aphasia (PPA) is diagnosed when a gradual failure of word usage or comprehension emerges as the principal feature of a neurodegenerative disease.

OBJECTIVE

To provide a quantitative algorithm for classifying PPA into agrammatic (PPA-G), semantic (PPA-S), and logopenic (PPA-L) variants, each of which is known to have a different probability of association with Alzheimer disease vs frontotemporal lobar degeneration.

DESIGN

Prospective study.

SETTING

University medical center.

PATIENTS

Sixteen consecutively enrolled patients with PPA who underwent neuropsychological testing and magnetic resonance imaging recruited nationally in the United States as part of a longitudinal study.

RESULTS

A 2-dimensional template that reflects performance on tests of syntax (Northwestern Anagram Test) and lexical semantics (Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test-Fourth Edition) classified all 16 patients in concordance with a clinical diagnosis that had been made before the administration of quantitative tests. All 3 PPA subtypes had distinctly asymmetrical atrophy of the left perisylvian language network. Each subtype also had distinctive peak atrophy sites: PPA-G in the inferior frontal gyrus (Broca area), PPA-S in the anterior temporal lobe, and PPA-L in Brodmann area 37.

CONCLUSIONS

Once an accurate root diagnosis of PPA is made, subtyping can be quantitatively guided using a 2-dimensional template based on orthogonal tasks of grammatical competence and word comprehension. Although the choice of tasks and the precise cutoff levels may need to be adjusted to fit linguistic and educational backgrounds, these 16 patients demonstrate the feasibility of using a simple algorithm for clinicoanatomical classification in PPA. Prospective studies will show whether this subtyping can improve clinical prediction of the underlying neuropathologic condition.