Time course of the neural processing of spoken derived words: an event-related potential study

Quick reorganization of memory traces for morphologically complex words in young children

Formation of neural mechanisms for morphosyntactic processing in young children is still poorly understood. Here, we addressed neural processing and rapid online acquisition of familiar and unfamiliar combinations of morphemes. Three different types of morphologically complex words - derived, inflected, and novel (pseudostem + real suffix) - were presented in a passive listening setting to 16 typically developing 3-4-year old children (as part of a longitudinal Helsinki SLI follow-up study). The mismatch negativity (MMN) component of event-related potentials (ERP), an established index of long-term linguistic memory traces in the brain, was analysed separately for the initial and final periods of the exposure to these items. We found MMN response enhancement for the inflected words towards the end of the recording session, whereas no response change was observed for the derived or novel complex forms. This enhancement indicates rapid build-up of a new memory trace for the combination of real morphemes, suggesting a capacity for online formation of whole-form lexicalized representations as one of the morphological mechanisms in the developing brain. Furthermore, this enhancement increased with age, suggesting the development of automatic morphological processing circuits in the age range of 3-4 years.

Time Course of the Second Morpheme Processing During Spoken Disyllabic Compound Word Recognition in Chinese

PURPOSE

This study aimed to investigate the time course of meaning activation of the 2nd morpheme processing of compound words during Chinese spoken word recognition using eye tracking technique with the printed-word paradigm.

METHOD

In the printed-word paradigm, participants were instructed to listen to a spoken target word (e.g., "", /da4fang1/, generous) while presented with a visual display composed of 3 words: a morphemic competitor (e.g., "", /yuan2xing2/, circle), which was semantically related to the 2nd morpheme (e.g., "", /fang1/, square) of the spoken target word; a whole-word competitor (e.g., "", /lin4se4/, stingy), which was semantically related to the spoken target word at the whole-word level; and a distractor, which was semantically related to neither the morpheme or the whole target word. Participants were asked to respond whether the spoken target word was on the visual display or not, and their eye movements were recorded.

RESULTS

The logit mixed-model analysis showed both the morphemic competitor and the whole-word competitor effects. Both the morphemic and whole-word competitors attracted more fixations than the distractor. More importantly, the 2nd-morphemic competitor effect occurred at a relatively later time window (i.e., 1000-1500 ms) compared with the whole-word competitor effect (i.e., 200-1000 ms).

CONCLUSION

Findings in this study suggest that semantic information of both the 2nd morpheme and the whole word of a compound was activated in spoken word recognition and that the meaning activation of the 2nd morpheme followed the activation of the whole word.

Morphological processing in the brain: The good (inflection), the bad (derivation) and the ugly (compounding)

There is considerable behavioral evidence that morphologically complex words such as 'tax-able' and 'kiss-es' are processed and represented combinatorially. In other words, they are decomposed into their constituents 'tax' and '-able' during comprehension (reading or listening), and producing them might also involve on-the-spot combination of these constituents (especially for inflections). However, despite increasing amount of neurocognitive research, the neural mechanisms underlying these processes are still not fully understood. The purpose of this critical review is to offer a comprehensive overview on the state-of-the-art of the research on the neural mechanisms of morphological processing. In order to take into account all types of complex words, we include findings on inflected, derived, and compound words presented both visually and aurally. More specifically, we cover a wide range of electro- and magnetoencephalography (EEG and MEG, respectively) as well as structural/functional magnetic resonance imaging (s/fMRI) studies that focus on morphological processing. We present the findings with respect to the temporal course and localization of morphologically complex word processing. We summarize the observed findings, their interpretations with respect to current psycholinguistic models, and discuss methodological approaches as well as their possible limitations.

Acquisition and consolidation of novel morphology in human neocortex: A neuromagnetic study

Research into neurobiological mechanisms of morphosyntactic processing of language has suggested specialised systems for decomposition and storage, which are used flexibly during the processing of complex polymorphemic words (such as those formed through affixation, e.g., boy + s = noun + plural marker or boy + ish = noun plus attenuator). However, neural underpinnings of acquisition of novel morphology are still unknown. We implicitly trained our participants with new derivational affixes through a word-picture association task and investigated the neural processes underlying formation of neural memory traces for new affixes. The participants' brain activity was recorded using magnetoencephalography (MEG), as they passively listened to the newly trained and untrained suffixes combined with real word and pseudoword stems. The MEG recording was repeated after a night's sleep using the same stimuli, to test the effects of overnight consolidation. The newly trained suffixes combined with real stems elicited stronger source activity in the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG) at ∼50 msec after the suffix onset than untrained suffixes, suggesting memory trace formation for the newly learned suffixes already on the same day. The following day, the suffix learning effect spread to the left superior temporal gyrus (STG) where it was again manifest as a response enhancement, particularly at ∼200-300 msec after the suffix onset, which might reflect an additional effect of overnight consolidation. Overall, the results demonstrate the rapid and dynamic processes of both immediate build-up and longer-term consolidation of neocortical memory traces for novel morphology, taking place after a short period of exposure to novel morphology and involving fronto-temporal perisylvian language circuitry.

Neurophysiological evidence for whole form retrieval of complex derived words: a mismatch negativity study

Complex words can be seen as combinations of elementary units, decomposable into stems and affixes according to morphological rules. Alternatively, complex forms may be stored as single lexical entries and accessed as whole forms. This study uses an event-related potential brain response capable of indexing both whole-form retrieval and combinatorial processing, the Mismatch Negativity (MMN), to investigate early brain activity elicited by morphologically complex derived words in German. We presented complex words consisting of stems “sicher” (secure), or “sauber” (clean) combined with abstract nominalizing derivational affixes -heit or -keit, to form either congruent derived words: “Sicherheit” (security) and “Sauberkeit” (cleanliness), or incongruent derived pseudowords: *“Sicherkeit”, and *“Sauberheit”. Using this orthogonal design, it was possible to record brain responses for -heit and -keit in both congruent and incongruent contexts, therefore balancing acoustic variance. Previous research has shown that incongruent combinations of symbols elicit a stronger MMN than congruent combinations, but that single words or constructions stored as whole forms elicit a stronger MMN than pseudowords or non-existent constructions. We found that congruent derived words elicited a stronger MMN than incongruent derived words, beginning about 150 ms after perception of the critical morpheme. This pattern of results is consistent with whole-form storage of morphologically complex derived words as lexical units, or mini-constructions. Using distributed source localization methods, the MMN enhancement for well-formed derivationally complex words appeared to be most prominent in the left inferior anterior-temporal, bilateral superior parietal and bilateral post-central, supra-marginal areas. In addition, neurophysiological results reflected the frequency of derived forms, thus providing further converging evidence for whole form storage and against a combinatorial mechanism.

The role of attention in processing morphologically complex spoken words: an EEG/MEG study

This study determined to what extent morphological processing of spoken inflected and derived words is attention-independent. To answer these questions EEG and MEG responses were recorded from healthy participants while they were presented with spoken Finnish inflected, derived, and monomorphemic words. In the non-attended task, the participants were instructed to ignore the incoming auditory stimuli and concentrate on the silent cartoon. In the attended task, previously reported by Leminen et al. (2011), the participants were to judge the acceptability of each stimulus. Importantly, EEG and MEG responses were time-locked to the onset of critical information [suffix onset for the complex words and uniqueness point (UP) for the monomorphemic words]. Early after the critical point, word type did not interact with task: in both attended and non-attended tasks, the event-related potentials (ERPs) showed larger negativity to derived than inflected or monomorphemic words ~100 ms after the critical point. MEG source waveforms showed a similar pattern. Later than 100 ms after the critical point, there were no differences between word types in the non-attended task either in the ERP or source modeling data. However, in the attended task inflected words elicited larger responses than other words ~200 ms after the critical point. The results suggest different brain representations for derived and inflected words. The early activation after the critical point was elicited both in the non-attended and attended tasks. As this stage of word recognition was not modulated by attention, it can be concluded to reflect an automatic mapping of incoming acoustic information onto stored representations. In contrast, the later differences between word types in the attended task were not observed in the non-attended task. This indicates that later compositional processes at the (morpho)syntactic-semantic level require focused attention.

Spatiotemporal Dynamics of the Processing of Spoken Inflected and Derived Words: A Combined EEG and MEG Study

The spatiotemporal dynamics of the neural processing of spoken morphologically complex words are still an open issue. In the current study, we investigated the time course and neural sources of spoken inflected and derived words using simultaneously recorded electroencephalography (EEG) and magnetoencephalography (MEG) responses. Ten participants (native speakers) listened to inflected, derived, and monomorphemic Finnish words and judged their acceptability. EEG and MEG responses were time-locked to both the stimulus onset and the critical point (suffix onset for complex words, uniqueness point for monomorphemic words). The ERP results showed that inflected words elicited a larger left-lateralized negativity than derived and monomorphemic words approximately 200 ms after the critical point. Source modeling of MEG responses showed one bilateral source in the superior temporal area ∼100 ms after the critical point, with derived words eliciting stronger source amplitudes than inflected and monomorphemic words in the right hemisphere. Source modeling also showed two sources in the temporal cortex approximately 200 ms after the critical point. There, inflected words showed a more systematic pattern in source locations and elicited temporally distinct source activity in comparison to the derived word condition. The current results provide electrophysiological evidence for at least partially distinct cortical processing of spoken inflected and derived words. In general, the results support models of morphological processing stating that during the recognition of inflected words, the constituent morphemes are accessed separately. With regard to derived words, stem and suffix morphemes might be at least initially activated along with the whole word representation.