No bridge too high: infants decide whether to cross based on the probability of falling not the severity of the potential fall

Risky actions: Why and how to estimate variability in motor performance

We describe the difficulties of measuring variability in performance, a critical but largely ignored problem in studies of risk perception. The problem seems intractable if a large number of successful and unsuccessful trials are infeasible. We offer a solution based on estimates of task-specific variability pooled across the sample. Using a dataset of adult performance in throwing and walking tasks, we show that mischaracterizing the slope leads to unacceptably large errors in estimates of performance levels that undermine analyses of risk perception. We introduce a "pooled-slope" solution that approximates estimates of individual variability in performance and outperforms arbitrary assumptions about performance variability within and across tasks. We discuss the advantages of objectively measuring performance based on the rate of successful attempts-modeled via psychometric functions-for improving comparisons of risk across participants, tasks, and studies.

The development of gait and mobility: Form and function in infant locomotion

The development of locomotion can be described by its form (i.e., gait) and its function (i.e., mobility). Both aspects of locomotion improve with experience. Traditional treatises on infant locomotion focus on form by describing an orderly progression of postural and locomotor milestones en route to characteristic patterns of crawling and walking gait. We provide a traditional treatment of gait by describing developmental antecedents of and improvements in characteristic gait patterns, but we highlight important misconceptions inherent in the notion of "milestones". Most critically, we argue that the prevailing focus on gait and milestones fails to capture the true essence of locomotion-functional mobility to engage with the world. Thus, we also describe the development of mobility, including the use of mobility aids for support and propulsion. We illustrate how infants find individual solutions for mobility and how the ability to move cascades into other domains of development. Finally, we show how an integration of gait and mobility provides insights into the psychological processes that make locomotion functional. This article is categorized under: Psychology > Motor Skill and Performance Psychology > Development and Aging.

Virtual Risk Management-Exploring Effects of Childhood Risk Experiences through Innovative Methods (ViRMa) for Primary School Children in Norway: Study Protocol for the ViRMa Project

BACKGROUND

Research indicates that risky play benefits children's risk assessment and risk management skills and offers several positive health effects such as resilience, social skills, physical activity, well-being, and involvement. There are also indications that the lack of risky play and autonomy increases the likelihood of anxiety. Despite its well-documented importance, and the willingness of children to engage in risky play, this type of play is increasingly restricted. Assessing long-term effects of risky play has been problematic because of ethical issues with conducting studies designed to allow or encourage children to take physical risks with the potential of injury.

OBJECTIVE

The Virtual Risk Management project aims to examine children's development of risk management skills through risky play. To accomplish this, the project aims to use and validate newly developed and ethically appropriate data collection tools such as virtual reality, eye tracking, and motion capturing, and to provide insight into how children assess and handle risk situations and how children's past risky play experiences are associated with their risk management.

METHODS

We will recruit 500 children aged 7-10 years and their parents from primary schools in Norway. Children's risk management will be measured through data concerning their risk assessment, risk willingness, and risk handling when completing a number of tasks in 3 categories of virtual reality scenarios: street crossing, river crossing, and playing on playground equipment. The children will move around physically in a large space while conducting the tasks and wear 17 motion-capturing sensors that will measure their movements to analyze motor skills. We will also collect data on children's perceived motor competence and their sensation-seeking personality. To obtain data on children's risk experiences, parents will complete questionnaires on their parental style and risk tolerance, as well as information about the child's practical risk experience.

RESULTS

Four schools have been recruited to participate in data collection. The recruitment of children and parents for this study started in December 2022, and as of April 2023, a total of 433 parents have consented for their children to participate.

CONCLUSIONS

The Virtual Risk Management project will increase our understanding of how children's characteristics, upbringing, and previous experiences influence their learning and ability to handle challenges. Through development and use of cutting-edge technology and previously developed measures to describe aspects of the children's past experiences, this project addresses crucial topics related to children's health and development. Such knowledge may guide pedagogical questions and the development of educational, injury prevention, and other health-related interventions, and reveal essential areas for focus in future studies. It may also impact how risk is addressed in crucial societal institutions such as the family, early childhood education, and schools.

INTERNATIONAL REGISTERED REPORT IDENTIFIER (IRRID)

DERR1-10.2196/45857.

The impact of errors in infant development: Falling like a baby

What is the role of errors in infants' acquisition of basic skills such as walking, skills that require immense amounts of practice to become flexible and generative? Do infants change their behaviors based on negative feedback from errors, as suggested by "reinforcement learning" in artificial intelligence, or do errors go largely unmarked so that learning relies on positive feedback? We used falling as a model system to examine the impact of errors in infant development. We examined fall severity based on parent reports of prior falls and videos of 563 falls incurred by 138 13- to 19-month-old infants during free play in a laboratory playroom. Parent reports of notable falls were limited to 33% of infants and medical attention was limited to 2% of infants. Video-recorded falls were typically low-impact events. After falling during free play in the laboratory, infants rarely fussed (4% of falls), caregivers rarely showed concern (8% of falls), and infants were back at play within seconds. Impact forces were mitigated by infants' effective reactive behaviors, quick arrest of the fall before torso or head impact, and small body size. Moreover, falling did not alter infants' subsequent behavior. Infants were not deterred from locomotion or from interacting with the objects and elevations implicated in their falls. We propose that a system that discounts the impact of errors in early stages of development encourages infants to practice basic skills such as walking to the point of mastery.

Fear in infancy: Lessons from snakes, spiders, heights, and strangers

This review challenges the traditional interpretation of infants' and young children's responses to three types of potentially "fear-inducing" stimuli-snakes and spiders, heights, and strangers. The traditional account is that these stimuli are the objects of infants' earliest developing fears. We present evidence against the traditional account, and provide an alternative explanation of infants' behaviors toward each stimulus. Specifically, we propose that behaviors typically interpreted as "fearful" really reflect an array of stimulus-specific responses that are highly dependent on context, learning, and the perceptual features of the stimuli. We speculate about why researchers so commonly misinterpret these behaviors, and conclude with future directions for studying the development of fear in infants and young children. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

Learning the designed actions of everyday objects

How do young children learn to use everyday artifacts-doorknobs, zippers, and so on-in the ways they were designed to be used? Although the designed actions of such objects seem obvious to adults, little is known about how young children learn the "hidden affordances" of everyday objects. We encouraged 115 11- to 37-month-old children to open 2 types of containers: circular jars with twist-off lids (Experiment 1) and rectangular Tupperware-style containers with pull-off lids (Experiment 2). We varied container size to examine effects of the body-environment fit on display of the designed action and successful implementation of the designed action. Results showed a developmental progression from nondesigned actions to performance of the designed twisting or pulling actions to successful implementation of the designed action. Nondesigned actions decreased with age as performance of the designed action increased. Successful implementation lagged behind performance of the designed action. That is, even after children appeared to know what to do, they were still unsuccessful in opening the container. Why? For twist-offs, very large lids were difficult to manipulate, and younger children often twisted to the right, or in both directions, and did not persist in consecutive turns to the left. Larger pull-off containers required new strategies to stabilize the base, such as holding the container against the tabletop or the chest. Findings provide insights into the body-environment factors that facilitate children's learning and implementation of the hidden affordances inherent in everyday artifacts. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

Motor Development: Embodied, Embedded, Enculturated, and Enabling

Motor development and psychological development are fundamentally related, but researchers typically consider them separately. In this review, we present four key features of infant motor development and show that motor skill acquisition both requires and reflects basic psychological functions. ( a) Motor development is embodied: Opportunities for action depend on the current status of the body. ( b) Motor development is embedded: Variations in the environment create and constrain possibilities for action. ( c) Motor development is enculturated: Social and cultural influences shape motor behaviors. ( d) Motor development is enabling: New motor skills create new opportunities for exploration and learning that instigate cascades of development across diverse psychological domains. For each of these key features, we show that changes in infants' bodies, environments, and experiences entail behavioral flexibility and are thus essential to psychology. Moreover, we suggest that motor development is an ideal model system for the study of psychological development.

Development (of Walking): 15 Suggestions

Although a fundamental goal of developmental science is to identify general processes of change, developmental scientists rarely generalize beyond their specific content domains. As a first step toward a more unified approach to development, we offer 15 suggestions gleaned from a century of research on infant walking. These suggestions collectively address the multi-leveled nature of change processes, cascades of real-time and developmental events, the diversity of developmental trajectories, inter- and intraindividual variability, starting and ending points of development, the natural input for learning, and the roles of body, environment, and sociocultural context. We argue that these 15 suggestions are not limited to motor development, and we encourage researchers to consider them within their own areas of research.

Physical Growth, Body Scale, and Perceptual-Motor Development

In this chapter we consider from the theoretical framework of the ecological approach to perception and action, the relations between physical growth and body scale in the context of children's perceptual-motor development. Body scale and the timescale of its change through growth are shown to relate to the emergence and dissolution of the fundamental skills in infancy, the perception of what an environment affords functionally for action, together with the emergent pattern of movement coordination. A central issue in typical and atypical motor development is the mapping of the timescale of adaptive change in the acquisition of perceptual-motor skill to the accompanying timescale of change in physical growth.

Talk the Walk: Does Socio-Cognitive Resource Reallocation Facilitate the Development of Walking?

Walking is of interest to psychology, robotics, zoology, neuroscience and medicine. Human's ability to walk on two feet is considered to be one of the defining characteristics of hominoid evolution. Evolutionary science propses that it emerged in response to limited environmental resources; yet the processes supporting its emergence are not fully understood. Developmental psychology research suggests that walking elicits cognitive advancements. We postulate that the relationship between cognitive development and walking is a bi-directional one; and further suggest that the initiation of novel capacities, such as walking, is related to internal socio-cognitive resource reallocation. We shed light on these notions by exploring infants' cognitive and socio-communicative outputs prospectively from 6-18 months of age. Structured bi/tri weekly evaluations of symbolic and verbal development were employed in an urban cohort (N = 9) for 12 months, during the transition from crawling to walking. Results show links between preemptive cognitive changes in socio-communicative output, symbolic-cognitive tool-use processes, and the age of emergence of walking. Plots of use rates of lower symbolic play levels before and after emergence of new skills illustrate reductions in use of previously attained key behaviors prior to emergence of higher symbolic play, language and walking. Further, individual differences in age of walking initiation were strongly related to the degree of reductions in complexity of object-use (r = .832, p < .005), along with increases, counter to the general reduction trend, in skills that serve recruitment of external resources [socio-communication bids before speech (r = -.696, p < .01), and speech bids before walking; r = .729, p < .01)]. Integration of these proactive changes using a computational approach yielded an even stronger link, underscoring internal resource reallocation as a facilitator of walking initiation (r = .901, p<0.001). These preliminary data suggest that representational capacities, symbolic object use, language and social developments, form an integrated adaptable composite, which possibly enables proactive internal resource reallocation, designed to support the emergence of new developmental milestones, such as walking.

The organization of exploratory behaviors in infant locomotor planning

How do infants plan and guide locomotion under challenging conditions? This experiment investigated the real-time process of visual and haptic exploration in 14-month-old infants as they decided whether and how to walk over challenging terrain - a series of bridges varying in width. Infants' direction of gaze was recorded with a head-mounted eye tracker and their haptic exploration and locomotor actions were captured on video. Infants' exploration was an organized, efficient sequence of visual, haptic, and locomotor behaviors. They used visual exploration from a distance as an initial assessment on nearly every bridge. Visual information subsequently prompted gait modifications while approaching narrow bridges and haptic exploration at the edge of the bridge. Results confirm predictions about the sequential, ramping-up process of exploration and the distinct roles of vision and touch. Exploration, however, was not a guarantee of adaptive decisions. With walking experience, exploratory behaviors became increasingly efficient and infants were better able to interpret the resulting perceptual information in terms of whether it was safe to walk.

Fear of heights in infants?

Based largely on the famous "visual cliff" paradigm, conventional wisdom is that crawling infants avoid crossing the brink of a dangerous drop-off because they are afraid of heights. However, recent research suggests that the conventional wisdom is wrong. Avoidance and fear are conflated, and there is no compelling evidence to support fear of heights in human infants. Infants avoid crawling or walking over an impossibly high drop-off because they perceive affordances for locomotion-the relations between their own bodies and skills and the relevant properties of the environment that make an action such as descent possible or impossible.

Perception-action development from infants to adults: perceiving affordances for reaching through openings

Perceiving possibilities for action-affordances-requires sensitivity, accuracy, and consistency. In the current study, we tested children of different ages (16-month-olds to 7-year-olds) and adults to examine the development of affordance perception for reaching through openings of various sizes. Using a psychophysical procedure, we estimated individual affordance functions to characterize participants' actual ability to fit their hand through openings and individual decision functions to characterize attempts to reach. Decisions were less accurate in younger children (16-month-olds to 5-year-olds); they were more likely to attempt impossible openings and to touch openings prior to refusing, suggesting a slow developmental trend in learning to perceive affordances for fitting through openings. However, analyses of multiple outcome measures revealed that the youngest participants were equally consistent in their decision making as the oldest ones and that every age group showed sensitivity to changes in the environment by scaling their attempts to opening size.

Perceiving affordances for different motor skills

We examined several factors that affect people's ability to perceive possibilities for action. In Experiment 1, 24 participants crossed expanses of various sizes in three conditions: leaping, a familiar, launching action system; arm-swinging on monkey bars, an unpracticed skill that uses the arms rather than the legs; and crawling on hands and knees, a disused skill that involves all four limbs. Before and after performing each action, participants gave verbal judgments about the largest gap they could cross. Participants scaled initial judgments to their actual abilities in all three conditions. But they considerably underestimated their abilities for leaping, a launching action, and for arm-swinging when it was performed as a launching action; judgments about crawling, a non-launching action, and arm-swinging when it was performed as a non-launching action were more accurate. Thus, launching actions appear to produce a deficit in perceiving affordances that is not ameliorated by familiarity with the action. However, after performing the actions, participants partially corrected for the deficiency and more accurately judged their abilities for launching actions-suggesting that even brief action experience facilitates the perception of affordances. In Experiment 2, we confirmed that the deficit was due to the launching nature of the leaping and arm-swinging actions in Experiment 1. We asked an additional 12 participants to cross expanses using two non-launching actions using the legs (stepping across an expanse) and the arms (reaching across an expanse). Participants were highly accurate when judging affordances for these actions, supporting launching as the cause of the underestimation reported in Experiment 1.