Final consonants and glottalization: new perspectives from Hanoi Vietnamese

The more the better? Effects of L1 tonal density and typology on the perception of non-native tones

This study investigates the effects of L1 tonal density and typology on naïve listeners' perception of L2 Cantonese tones and pitch-equivalent pure tones. Native speakers of two canonical tone languages (Vietnamese and Mandarin) and a pitch-accent language (Japanese) with varying degrees of tonal density were recruited as listeners in a discrimination task followed by a perceptual assimilation task. Results implied that Mandarin listeners with a sparser tone inventory exhibited significantly better performance than Vietnamese listeners, suggesting that denser tonality in L1 did not facilitate or even interfere with L2 tone perception. Furthermore, both groups of canonical tone listeners processed pitch contours in a domain-general manner, with comparable performance in the perception of lexical tones and pure tones. However, Japanese listeners of the pitch-accent language perceived pure tones better than lexical tones, showing a domain-specific mechanism. These findings suggest that both L1 tonal density and typology may modulate the perception of non-native tones.

Checked Syllables, Checked Tones, and Tone Sandhi in Xiapu Min

A “checked” syllable usually refers to one with a short vowel and an oral or glottal coda, which results impressionistically in a “short” and “abrupt” quality. Although common in languages of the world, it is unclear how to characterize checked syllables phonetically. In this study, we investigated the acoustic features of checked syllables in citation and sandhi forms in Xiapu Min, an under-documented language from China. We conducted a production experiment and analyzed the F0, phonatory quality, vowel duration, and vowel quality in checked syllables. The results show that, in citation tones, checked syllables are realized with distinct F0 contours from unchecked syllables, along with glottalization in the end and a shorter duration overall. In sandhi tones, checked syllables lose their distinct F0 contours and become less glottalized. However, the shorter duration of checked syllables is retained in sandhi forms. This study lays out the acoustic properties that tend to be associated with checked syllables and can be used when testing checked syllables in other language varieties. The fact that in Xiapu Min sandhi checked tones become less glottalized but preserve their shorter duration suggests that, when checked syllables become unchecked diachronically, glottalization might be lost prior to duration lengthening.

The versatility of creaky phonation: Segmental, prosodic, and sociolinguistic uses in the world's languages

Creaky phonation (also known as creaky voice, vocal fry, laryngealization, or glottalization) is a voice quality that refers to shortened and thickened vocal folds that vibrate at a low and quasi-regular fundamental frequency with a long period of damping. Cross-linguistically, creaky phonation can span either short or long domains. When implemented on individual vowels or consonants (as in Zapotec or Montana Salish), it can signal phonemic contrast with other voice qualities, or it can be an additional acoustic cue to enhance other contrasts, such as tone (as in Mandarin or Cantonese). Another segmental use of creaky phonation in many languages is as a variant of glottal stop. Creaky phonation can also be implemented as a prosodic element that signals the end of a phrase (as in English or Mandarin), or indicates relinquishing a conversational turn (as in Finnish). It can also express meaning in a social interaction, such as irritation (in Vietnamese). Lastly, creaky phonation can be deployed as a sociolinguistic marker to establish identities, convey affect, or distinguish one speech group from another within the same language. In some social circumstances, such as the perception that young women use creaky phonation at greater rates than men do, it can be evaluated negatively by listeners. As creaky phonation can be combined with linguistic elements at various levels and is easily perceptible, it has taken on a remarkable number of roles in our linguistic repertoires. This article is categorized under: Linguistics > Language in Mind and Brain.

Vietnamese-Speaking Children's Acquisition of Consonants, Semivowels, Vowels, and Tones in Northern Viet Nam

Purpose The aim of this study was to investigate children's acquisition of Vietnamese speech sounds. Method Participants were 195 children aged 2;2-5;11 (years;months) living in Northern Viet Nam who spoke Vietnamese as their 1st language. Single-word samples were collected using the Vietnamese Speech Assessment (Phạm, Le, & McLeod, 2016) to measure accuracy of consonants, semivowels, vowels, and tones. Results Percentage of consonants correct for children aged 2;0-2;5 was 46.39 (SD = 7.95) and increased to 93.13 (SD = 6.13) for children aged 5;6-5;11. The most difficult consonants were /ɲ, s, z, x/. Percentage of semivowels correct for children aged 2;0-2;5 was 70.74 (SD = 14.38) and increased to 99.60 (SD = 1.55) for children aged 5;6-5;11. Percentage of vowels correct for children aged 2;0-2;5 was 91.93 (SD = 3.13) and increased to 98.11 (SD = 2.79) for children aged 5;6-5;11. Percentage of tones correct for children aged 2;0-2;5 was 91.05 (SD = 1.42) and increased to 96.65 (SD = 3.42) for children aged 5;6-5;11. Tones 1, 2, 5, and 6 were acquired by the youngest age group, whereas Tone 3 (creaky thanh ngã) and Tone 4 (dipping-rising thanh hỏi) did not achieve 90% accuracy by the oldest age group. Common phonological patterns (> 10%) were fronting, stopping, deaspiration, aspiration, and semivowel deletion for children aged 2;0-3;11 and were fronting and deaspiration for children aged 4;0-5;11. Conclusion This is the 1st comprehensive study of typically developing Northern Vietnamese children's speech acquisition and provides preliminary data to support the emerging speech-language pathology profession in Viet Nam.

Effects of Word Position on the Acoustic Realization of Vietnamese Final Consonants

A variety of studies have shown differences between phonetic features of consonants according to their prosodic and/or syllable (onset vs. coda) positions. However, differences are not always found, and interactions between the various factors involved are complex and not well understood. Our study compares acoustical characteristics of coda consonants in Vietnamese taking into account their position within words. Traditionally described as monosyllabic, Vietnamese is partially polysyllabic at the lexical level. In this language, tautosyllabic consonant sequences are prohibited, and adjacent consonants are only found at syllable boundaries either within polysyllabic words (CVC.CVC) or across monosyllabic words (CVC#CVC). This study is designed to examine whether or not syllable boundary types (interword vs. intraword) have an effect on the acoustic realization of codas. The results show significant acoustic differences in consonant realizations according to syllable boundary type, suggesting different coarticulation patterns between nuclei and codas. In addition, as Vietnamese voiceless stops are generally unreleased in coda position, with no burst to carry consonantal information, our results show that a vowel's second half contains acoustic cues which are available to aid in the discrimination of place of articulation of the vowel's following consonant.

Covariation between voice quality and pitch: Revisiting the case of Mandarin creaky voice

This study investigates the interaction between voice quality and pitch by revisiting the well-known case of Mandarin creaky voice. This study first provides several pieces of experimental data to assess whether the mechanism behind allophonic creaky voice in Mandarin is tied to tonal categories or is driven by phonetic pitch ranges. The results show that the presence of creak is not exclusively limited to tone 3, but can accompany any of the low pitch targets in the Mandarin tones; further, tone 3 is less creaky when the overall pitch range is raised, but more creaky when the overall pitch range is lowered. More importantly, tone 3 is not unique in this regard, and other tones such as tone 1 are also subject to similar variations. In sum, voice quality is quite systematically tied to F0 in Mandarin. Results from a pitch glide experiment further suggest that voice quality overall covaries with pitch height in a wedge-shaped function. Non-modal voice tends to occur when pitch production exceeds certain limits. Voice quality, thus, has the potential to enhance the perceptual distinctiveness of extreme pitch targets.

Consonants, vowels and tones across Vietnamese dialects

PURPOSE

Vietnamese is spoken by over 89 million people in Vietnam and it is one of the most commonly spoken languages other than English in the US, Canada and Australia. This study defines between one and nine different dialects of Vietnamese spoken in Vietnam. In Vietnamese schools, children learn Standard Vietnamese which is based on the northern dialect; however, if they live in other regions they may speak a different dialect at home.

METHOD

This paper describes the differences between the consonants, semivowels, vowels, diphthongs and tones for four dialects: Standard, northern, central and southern Vietnamese.

RESULT

The number and type of initial consonants differs per dialect (i.e. Standard = 23, northern = 20, central = 23, southern = 21). For example, the letter "r" is pronounced in the Standard and central dialects as the retroflex /ʐ/, northern dialect as the voiced alveolar fricative /z/ or the trilled /r/ and in the southern dialect as the voiced velar fricative /ɣ/. Additionally, the letter "v" is pronounced in the Standard, northern and central dialects as the voiced bilabial fricative /v/, the southern dialect as the voiced palatal approximant /j/ and in the lower northern dialect (Ninh Binh) as the voiceless bilabial fricative /f/. Similarly, the number of final consonants differs per dialect (i.e. Standard = 6, northern = 10, central = 10, southern = 8). Finally, the number and type of tones differs per dialect (i.e. Standard = 6, northern = 6, central = 5, southern = 5).

CONCLUSION

Understanding differences between Vietnamese dialects is important so that speech-language pathologists and educators provide appropriate services to people who speak Vietnamese.

Voice quality and tone identification in White Hmong

This study investigates the importance of source spectrum slopes in the perception of phonation by White Hmong listeners. In White Hmong, nonmodal phonation (breathy or creaky voice) accompanies certain lexical tones, but its importance in tonal contrasts is unclear. In this study, native listeners participated in two perceptual tasks, in which they were asked to identify the word they heard. In the first task, participants heard natural stimuli with manipulated F0 and duration (phonation unchanged). Results indicate that phonation is important in identifying the breathy tone, but not the creaky tone. Thus, breathiness can be viewed as contrastive in White Hmong. Next, to understand which parts of the source spectrum listeners use to perceive contrastive breathy phonation, source spectrum slopes were manipulated in the second task to create stimuli ranging from modal to breathy sounding, with F0 held constant. Results indicate that changes in H1-H2 (difference in amplitude between the first and second harmonics) and H2-H4 (difference in amplitude between the second and fourth harmonics) are independently important for distinguishing breathy from modal phonation, consistent with the view that the percept of breathiness is influenced by a steep drop in harmonic energy in the lower frequencies.

At the edge of intonation: the interplay of utterance-final F0 movements and voiceless fricative sounds

The paper is concerned with the 'edge of intonation' in a twofold sense. It focuses on utterance-final F0 movements and crosses the traditional segment-prosody divide by investigating the interplay of F0 and voiceless fricatives in speech production. An experiment was performed for German with four types of voiceless fricatives: /f/, /s/, /ʃ/ and /x/. They were elicited with scripted dialogues in the contexts of terminal falling statement and high rising question intonations. Acoustic analyses show that fricatives concluding the high rising question intonations had higher mean centres of gravity (CoGs), larger CoG ranges and higher noise energy levels than fricatives concluding the terminal falling statement intonations. The different spectral-energy patterns are suitable to induce percepts of a high 'aperiodic pitch' at the end of the questions and of a low 'aperiodic pitch' at the end of the statements. The results are discussed with regard to the possible existence of 'segmental intonation' and its implication for F0 truncation and the segment-prosody dichotomy, in which segments are the alleged troublemakers for the production and perception of intonation.

Dialect experience in Vietnamese tone perception

This study investigated the perceptual dimensions of tone in Vietnamese and the effect of dialect experience on listener's prelinguistic perception of tone. While Northern Vietnamese tones are cued by a combination of pitch and voice quality, Southern Vietnamese tones are purely pitch based. 30 listeners from two Vietnamese dialects (10 Northern, 20 Southern) participated in a speeded AX discrimination task using northern stimuli. The resulting reaction times were used to compute an INDSCAL multidimensional scaling solution and were submitted to hierarchical clustering analysis. While the analysis revealed a similar three-dimensional perceptual space structure for both listener groups, corresponding roughly to f(0) offset, voice quality, and contour type, the relative salience of these dimensions varied by dialect: Southern listeners were more likely to confuse tones produced with nonmodal voice quality, whereas Northern listeners found tones with similar pitch excursions to be more confusable. The results of hierarchical clustering of the stimuli further support an analysis where low-level perceptual similarity is influenced by primary dialect experience.