Neural mechanisms of verb argument structure processing in agrammatic aphasic and healthy age-matched listeners

Verbal short term memory contribution to sentence comprehension decreases with increasing syntactic complexity in people with aphasia

Sentence comprehension requires the integration of linguistic units presented in a temporal sequence based on a non-linear underlying syntactic structure. While it is uncontroversial that storage is mandatory for this process, there are opposing views regarding the relevance of general short-term-/working-memory capacities (STM/WM) versus language specific resources. Here we report results from 43 participants with an acquired brain lesion in the extended left hemispheric language network and resulting language deficits, who performed a sentence-to-picture matching task and an experimental task assessing phonological short-term memory. The sentence task systematically varied syntactic complexity (embedding depth and argument order) while lengths, number of propositions and plausibility were kept constant. Clinical data including digit-/ block-spans and lesion size and site were additionally used in the analyses. Correlational analyses confirm that performance on STM/WM-tasks (experimental task and digit-span) are the only two relevant predictors for correct sentence-picture-matching, while reaction times only depended on age and lesion size. Notably increasing syntactic complexity reduced the correlational strength speaking for the additional recruitment of language specific resources independent of more general verbal STM/WM capacities, when resolving complex syntactic structure. The complementary lesion-behaviour analysis yielded different lesion volumes correlating with either the sentence-task or the STM-task. Factoring out STM measures lesions in the anterior temporal lobe correlated with a larger decrease in accuracy with increasing syntactic complexity. We conclude that overall sentence comprehension depends on STM/WM capacity, while increases in syntactic complexity tax another independent cognitive resource.

The cortical representation of transitivity: Insights from tractography-based inhibitory nTMS

Navigated Transcranial Magnetic Stimulation (nTMS) is commonly used to causally identify cortical regions involved in language processing. Combining tractography with nTMS has been shown to increase induced error rates by targeting stimulation of cortical terminations of white matter fibers. According to functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging (fMRI) data, bilateral cortical areas connected by the arcuate fasciculus (AF) have been implicated in the processing of transitive compared to unergative verbs. To test this connection between transitivity and bilateral perisylvian regions, we administered a tractography-based inhibitory nTMS protocol during action naming of finite transitive (The man reads) and unergative (The man sails) verbs. After tracking the left and right AF, we stimulated the cortical terminations of the tract in frontal, parietal and temporal regions in 20 neurologically healthy native speakers of German. Results revealed that nTMS induced more errors during transitive compared to unergative verb naming when stimulating the left (vs right) AF terminations. This effect was specific to the left temporal terminations of the AF, whereas no differences between the two verb types were identified when stimulating inferior parietal and frontal AF terminations. Induced errors for transitive verbs over left temporal terminations mostly manifested as access errors (i.e., hesitations). Given the inhibitory nature of our nTMS protocol, these results suggest that temporal regions of the left hemisphere play a crucial role in argument structure processing. Our findings align with previous data on the role of left posterior temporal regions in language processing and by providing further evidence from a language production experiment using tractography-based inhibitory nTMS.

Causal evidence for a coordinated temporal interplay within the language network

Recent neurobiological models on language suggest that auditory sentence comprehension is supported by a coordinated temporal interplay within a left-dominant brain network, including the posterior inferior frontal gyrus (pIFG), posterior superior temporal gyrus and sulcus (pSTG/STS), and angular gyrus (AG). Here, we probed the timing and causal relevance of the interplay between these regions by means of concurrent transcranial magnetic stimulation and electroencephalography (TMS-EEG). Our TMS-EEG experiments reveal region- and time-specific causal evidence for a bidirectional information flow from left pSTG/STS to left pIFG and back during auditory sentence processing. Adapting a condition-and-perturb approach, our findings further suggest that the left pSTG/STS can be supported by the left AG in a state-dependent manner.

The role of left temporo-parietal and inferior frontal cortex in comprehending syntactically complex sentences: A brain stimulation study

BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVES

Syntactic competence relies on a left-lateralized network converging on hubs in inferior-frontal and posterior-temporal cortices. We address the question whether anodal transcranial direct current stimulation (a-tDCS) over these hubs can modulate comprehension of sentences, whose syntactic complexity systematically varied along the factors embedding depths and canonicity. Semantic content and length of the sentences were kept identical and forced choice picture matching was required after the full sentence had been presented.

METHODS

We used a single-blind, within-subject, sham-controlled design, applying a-tDCS targeting left posterior tempo-parietal (TP) and left inferior frontal cortex (FC). Stimulation sites were determined by individual neuro-navigation. 20 participants were included of whom 19 entered the analysis. Results were analysed using (generalized) mixed models. In a pilot-experiment in another group of 20 participants we validated the manipulation of syntactic complexity by the two factors embedding depth and argument-order.

RESULTS

Reaction times increased and accuracy decreased with higher embedding depth and non-canonical argument order in both experiments. Notably a-tDCS over TP enhanced sentence-to-picture matching, while FC-stimulation showed no consistent effect. Moreover, the analysis disclosed a session effect, indicating improvements of task performance especially regarding speed.

CONCLUSIONS

We conclude that the posterior 'hub' of the neuronal network affording syntactic analysis represents a 'bottleneck', likely due to working-memory capacity and the challenges of mapping semantic to syntactic information allowing for role assignment. While this does not challenge the role of left inferior-frontal cortex for syntax processing and novel-grammar learning, the application of highly established syntactic rules during sentence comprehension may be considered optimized, thus not augmentable by a-tDCS in the uncompromised network.

SIGNIFICANCE STATEMENT

Anodal transcranial direct current stimulation (a-tDCS) over left temporo-parietal cortex enhances comprehension of complex sentences in uncompromised young speakers. Since a-tDCS over left frontal cortex did not elicit any change, the 'bottleneck' for the understanding of complex sentences seems to be the posterior, temporo-parietal rather than the anterior inferior-frontal 'hub' of language processing. Regarding the attested role of inferior-frontal cortex in syntax processing, we suggest that its function is optimized in competent young speakers, preventing further enhancement by (facilitatory) tDCS. Results shed light on the functional anatomy of syntax processing during sentence comprehension; moreover, they open perspectives for research in the lesioned language network of people with syntactic deficits due to aphasia.

Verb and sentence processing with TMS: A systematic review and meta-analysis

Transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS) has provided relevant evidence regarding the neural correlates of language. The aim of the present study is to summarize and assess previous findings regarding linguistic levels (i.e., semantic and morpho-syntactic) and brain structures utilized during verb and sentence processing. To do that, we systematically reviewed TMS research on verb and sentence processing in healthy speakers, and meta-analyzed TMS-induced effects according to the region of stimulation and experimental manipulation. Findings from 45 articles show that approximately half of the reviewed work focuses on the embodiment of action verbs. The majority of studies (60%) target only one cortical region in relation to a specific linguistic process. Frontal areas are most frequently stimulated in connection to morphosyntactic processes and action verb semantics, and temporoparietal regions in relation to integration of sentential meaning and thematic role assignment. A meta-analysis of 72 effect sizes of the reviewed papers indicates that TMS has a small overall effect size, but effect sizes for anterior compared to posterior regions do not differ for semantic or morphosyntactic contrasts. Our findings stress the need to increase the number of targeted areas, while using the same linguistic contrasts in order to disentangle the contributions of different cortical regions to distinct linguistic processes.

Verb Frequency and Density Drive Naming Performance in Primary Progressive Aphasia

Background

Recent work has highlighted the utility of the Boston Naming Test and Hopkins Action Naming Assessment (HANA) for distinguishing between semantic (svPPA), logopenic (lvPPA) and non-fluent agrammatic (nfavPPA) variants of primary progressive aphasia (PPA).

Aims

To determine whether item level differences between variants on when naming verbs on the HANA were able to be accounted for using common variables of lexical interest: word frequency, semantic density, concreteness, or valency. We also examined three specific hypotheses: (1) svPPA and lvPPA may result in increased difficulty with decreased semantic density compared to nfavPPA; (2) svPPA may result in increased difficulty with decreased concreteness; and (3) nfavPPA may result in increased difficulty with high syntactic valency.

Methods & Procedures

268 patients with PPA were evaluated using the HANA. A hierarchical Bayesian regression approach was adopted to account for effects of repeated measurement within participants and items.

Outcomes & Results

The main effects of variant and verb trait were significant in all models, as was the interaction for frequency, semantic density, and valency. Increasing frequency, semantic density, and concreteness led to better performance, while increasing valency led to poorer performance. Low semantic density contributed to greater difficulty in svPPA and lvPPA, but low concreteness did not uniquely impact verb naming in svPPA. Those with nfavPPA had no particular difficulty as a result of valency.

Conclusions

Prior studies have identified the independent effects of frequency and semantic density on verb naming in PPA, which were confirmed by our analyses, and the best predictions of the data were achieved by combining these dimensions. This investigation complements our previous work highlighting the value of the HANA for efficiently demonstrating verb performance in PPA.

Auditory Verb Generation Performance Patterns Dissociate Variants of Primary Progressive Aphasia

Primary progressive aphasia (PPA) is a clinical syndrome in which patients progressively lose speech and language abilities. Three variants are recognized: logopenic (lvPPA), associated with phonology and/or short-term verbal memory deficits accompanied by left temporo-parietal atrophy; semantic (svPPA), associated with semantic deficits and anterior temporal lobe (ATL) atrophy; non-fluent (nfvPPA) associated with grammar and/or speech-motor deficits and inferior frontal gyrus (IFG) atrophy. Here, we set out to investigate whether the three variants of PPA can be dissociated based on error patterns in a single language task. We recruited 21 lvPPA, 28 svPPA, and 24 nfvPPA patients, together with 31 healthy controls, and analyzed their performance on an auditory noun-to-verb generation task, which requires auditory analysis of the input, access to and selection of relevant lexical and semantic knowledge, as well as preparation and execution of speech. Task accuracy differed across the three variants and controls, with lvPPA and nfvPPA having the lowest and highest accuracy, respectively. Critically, machine learning analysis of the different error types yielded above-chance classification of patients into their corresponding group. An analysis of the error types revealed clear variant-specific effects: lvPPA patients produced the highest percentage of "not-a-verb" responses and the highest number of semantically related nouns (production of baseball instead of throw to noun ball); in contrast, svPPA patients produced the highest percentage of "unrelated verb" responses and the highest number of light verbs (production of take instead of throw to noun ball). Taken together, our findings indicate that error patterns in an auditory verb generation task are associated with the breakdown of different neurocognitive mechanisms across PPA variants. Specifically, they corroborate the link between temporo-parietal regions with lexical processing, as well as ATL with semantic processes. These findings illustrate how the analysis of pattern of responses can help PPA phenotyping and heighten diagnostic sensitivity, while providing insights on the neural correlates of different components of language.

Predictors of Therapy Response in Chronic Aphasia: Building a Foundation for Personalized Aphasia Therapy

Chronic aphasia, a devastating impairment of language, affects up to a third of stroke survivors. Speech and language therapy has consistently been shown to improve language function in prior clinical trials, but few clinicially applicable predictors of individual therapy response have been identified to date. Consequently, clinicians struggle substantially with prognostication in the clinical management of aphasia. A rising prevalence of aphasia, in particular in younger populations, has emphasized the increasing demand for a personalized approach to aphasia therapy, that is, therapy aimed at maximizing language recovery of each individual with reference to evidence-based clinical recommendations. In this narrative review, we discuss the current state of the literature with respect to commonly studied predictors of therapy response in aphasia. In particular, we focus our discussion on biographical, neuropsychological, and neurobiological predictors, and emphasize limitations of the literature, summarize consistent findings, and consider how the research field can better support the development of personalized aphasia therapy. In conclusion, a review of the literature indicates that future research efforts should aim to recruit larger samples of people with aphasia, including by establishing multisite aphasia research centers.

Processing Argument Structure and Syntactic Complexity in People with Schizophrenia Spectrum Disorders

INTRODUCTION

Deficits in language comprehension and production have been repeatedly observed in Schizophrenia Spectrum Disorders (SSD). However, the characterization of the language profile of this population is far from complete, and the relationship between language deficits, impaired thinking and cognitive functions is widely debated.

OBJECTIVE

The aims of the present study were to assess production and comprehension of verbs with different argument structures, as well as production and comprehension of sentences with canonical and non-canonical word order in people with SSD. In addition, the study investigated the relationship between language deficits and cognitive functions.

METHODS

Thirty-four participants with a diagnosis of SSD and a group of healthy control participants (HC) were recruited and evaluated using the Italian version of the Northwestern Assessment of Verbs and Sentences (NAVS, Cho-Reyes & Thompson, 2012; Barbieri et al., 2019).

RESULTS

Results showed that participants with SSD were impaired - compared to HC - on both verb and sentence production, as well as on comprehension of syntactically complex (but not simple) sentences. While verb production was equally affected by verb-argument structure complexity in both SSD and HC, sentence comprehension was disproportionately more affected by syntactic complexity in SSD than in HC. In addition, in the SSD group, verb production deficits were predicted by performance on a measure of visual attention, while sentence production and comprehension deficits were explained by performance on measures of executive functions and working memory, respectively.

DISCUSSION

Our findings support the hypothesis that language deficits in SSD may be one aspect of a more generalized, multi-domain, cognitive impairment, and are consistent with previous findings pointing to reduced inter- and intra-hemispheric connectivity as a possible substrate for such deficits. The study provides a systematic characterization of lexical and syntactic deficits in SSD and demonstrates that psycholinguistically-based assessment tools may be able to capture language deficits in this population.

The role of left angular gyrus in the representation of linguistic composition relations

Language comprehension is compositional: individual words are combined structurally to form larger meaning representations. The neural basis for compositionality is at the center of a growing body of recent research. Previous work has largely used univariate analysis to investigate the question, a technique that could potentially lead to the loss of fined‐grained information due to the procedure of averaging over neural responses. In a functional magnetic resonance imaging experiment, the present study examined different types of composition relations in Chinese phrases, using a 1‐back composition relation probe (CRP) task and a 1‐back word probe (WP) task. We first analyzed the data using the multivariate representation similarity analysis, which better captures the fine‐grained representational differences in the stimuli. The results showed that the left angular gyrus (AG) represents different types of composition relations in the CRP task, but no brain areas were identified in the WP task. We also conducted a traditional univariate analysis and found greater activations in the bilateral inferior frontal gyrus in the CRP task relative to the WP task. We discuss the methodological and theoretical implications of our findings in the context of the larger language neural network identified in previous studies. Our findings highlight the role of left AG in representing and distinguishing fine‐grained linguistic composition relations.

The noun-verb distinction

The comparison between nouns and verbs has been a topic of interest for many researchers over the last 50 years. This comparison, and subsequent behavioral and (partly) anatomic dissociation, has allowed researchers to delve into many topics including the behavioral architecture of the language system and its neural correlates, the underlying nature of the linguistic impairment in individuals with different neurologic disorders, the assessment of language treatment protocols, and the proposal of new protocols aimed to protect the language system of individuals undergoing surgery for brain tumors and epilepsy. Specific to the left temporal lobe, classic accounts have shown its relevance for the processing of nouns and less for the processing of verbs. Nonetheless, more recent accounts indicate that different areas in the left temporal lobe can subserve different functions for the processing of both nouns and verbs. In this chapter, we outlined an overview of key findings of the study of nouns and verbs, with a particular focus on the left temporal lobe. This chapter contextualizes the literature on category-specific impairments and neural correlates of nouns and verbs with linguistic and psycholinguistic theories, and provides new ways to investigate and understand the intricacies of this comparison.

The Russian Aphasia Test: The first comprehensive, quantitative, standardized, and computerized aphasia language battery in Russian

The lack of standardized language assessment tools in Russian impedes clinical work, evidence-based practice, and research in Russian-speaking clinical populations. To address this gap in assessment of neurogenic language disorders, we developed and standardized a new comprehensive assessment instrument-the Russian Aphasia Test (RAT). The principal novelty of the RAT is that each subtest corresponds to a specific level of linguistic processing (phonological, lexical-semantic, syntactic, and discourse) in different domains: auditory comprehension, repetition, and oral production. In designing the test, we took into consideration various (psycho)linguistic factors known to influence language performance, as well as specific properties of Russian. The current paper describes the development of the RAT and reports its psychometric properties. A tablet-based version of the RAT was administered to 85 patients with different types and severity of aphasia and to 106 age-matched neurologically healthy controls. We established cutoff values for each subtest indicating deficit in a given task and cutoff values for aphasia based on the Receiver Operating Characteristic curve analysis of the composite score. The RAT showed very high sensitivity (> .93) and specificity (> .96), substantiating its validity for determining presence of aphasia. The test's high construct validity was evidenced by strong correlations between subtests measuring similar linguistic processes. The concurrent validity of the test was also strong as demonstrated by a high correlation with an existing aphasia battery. Overall high internal, inter-rater, and test-retest reliability were obtained. The RAT is the first comprehensive aphasia language battery in Russian with properly established psychometric properties. It is sensitive to a wide range of language deficits in aphasia and can reliably characterize individual profiles of language impairments. Notably, the RAT is the first comprehensive aphasia test in any language to be fully automatized for administration on a tablet, maximizing further standardization of presentation and scoring procedures.

Mapping Verb Retrieval With nTMS: The Role of Transitivity

Navigated Transcranial Magnetic Stimulation (nTMS) is used to understand the cortical organization of language in preparation for the surgical removal of a brain tumor. Action naming with finite verbs can be employed for that purpose, providing additional information to object naming. However, little research has focused on the properties of the verbs that are used in action naming tasks, such as their status as transitive (taking an object; e.g., to read) or intransitive (not taking an object; e.g., to wink). Previous neuroimaging data show higher activation for transitive compared to intransitive verbs in posterior perisylvian regions bilaterally. In the present study, we employed nTMS and production of finite verbs to investigate the cortical underpinnings of transitivity. Twenty neurologically healthy native speakers of German participated in the study. They underwent language mapping in both hemispheres with nTMS. The action naming task with finite verbs consisted of transitive (e.g., The man reads the book) and intransitive verbs (e.g., The woman winks) and was controlled for relevant psycholinguistic variables. Errors were classified in four different error categories (i.e., non-linguistic errors, grammatical errors, lexico-semantic errors and, errors at the sound level) and were analyzed quantitatively. We found more nTMS-positive points in the left hemisphere, particularly in the left parietal lobe for the production of transitive compared to intransitive verbs. These positive points most commonly corresponded to lexico-semantic errors. Our findings are in line with previous aphasia and neuroimaging studies, suggesting that a more widespread network is used for the production of verbs with a larger number of arguments (i.e., transitives). The higher number of lexico-semantic errors with transitive compared to intransitive verbs in the left parietal lobe supports previous claims for the role of left posterior areas in the retrieval of argument structure information.

German Language Adaptation of the NAVS (NAVS-G) and of the NAT (NAT-G): Testing Grammar in Aphasia

Grammar provides the framework for understanding and producing language. In aphasia, an acquired language disorder, grammatical deficits are diversified and widespread. However, the few assessments for testing grammar in the German language do not consider current linguistic, psycholinguistic, and functional imaging data, which have been shown to be crucial for effective treatment. This study developed German language versions of the Northwestern Assessment of Verbs and Sentences (NAVS-G) and the Northwestern Anagram Test (NAT-G) to examine comprehension and production of verbs, controlling for the number and optionality of verb arguments, and sentences with increasing syntactic complexity. The NAVS-G and NAT-G were tested in 27 healthy participants, 15 right hemispheric stroke patients without aphasia, and 15 stroke patients with mild to residual aphasia. Participants without aphasia showed near-perfect performance, with the exception of (object) relative sentences, where accuracy was associated with educational level. In each patient with aphasia, deficits in more than one subtest were observed. The within and between population-groups logistic mixed regression analyses identified significant impairments in processing syntactic complexity at the verb and sentence levels. These findings indicate that the NAVS-G and NAT-G have potential for testing grammatical competence in (German) stroke patients.

Online sentence processing impairments in agrammatic and logopenic primary progressive aphasia: Evidence from ERP

Evidence from psycholinguistic research indicates that sentence processing is impaired in Primary Progressive Aphasia (PPA), and more so in individuals with agrammatic (PPA-G) than logopenic (PPA-L) subtypes. Studies have mostly focused on offline sentence production ability, reporting impaired production of verb morphology (e.g., tense, agreement) and verb-argument structure (VAS) in PPA-G, and mixed findings in PPA-L. However, little is known about real-time sentence comprehension in PPA. The present study is the first to compare real-time semantic, morphosyntactic and VAS processing in individuals with PPA (10 with PPA-G and 9 with PPA-L), and in two groups of healthy (22 young and 19 older) individuals, using event-related potentials (ERP). Participants were instructed to listen to sentences that were either well-formed (n = 150) or contained a violation of semantics (e.g., *Owen was mentoring pumpkins at the party, n = 50), morphosyntax (e.g., *The actors was singing in the theatre, n = 50) or VAS (*Ryan was devouring on the couch, n = 50), and were required to perform a sentence acceptability judgment task while EEG was recorded. Results indicated that in the semantic task both healthy and PPA groups showed an N400 response to semantic violations, which was delayed in PPA and older (vs. younger) groups. Morphosyntactic violations elicited a P600 in both groups of healthy individuals and in PPA-L, but not in PPA-G. A similar P600 response was also found only in healthy individuals for VAS violations; whereas, abnormal ERP responses were observed in both PPA groups, with PPA-G showing no evidence of VAS violation detection and PPA-L showing a delayed and abnormally-distributed positive component that was negatively associated with offline sentence comprehension scores. These findings support characterizations of sentence processing impairments in PPA-G, by providing online evidence that VAS and morphosyntactic processing are impaired, in the face of substantially preserved semantic processing. In addition, the results indicate that on-line processing of VAS information may also be impaired in PPA-L, despite their near-normal accuracy on standardized language tests of argument structure production.

Common and distinct neural substrates of sentence production and comprehension

Functional neuroimaging and lesion-symptom mapping investigations implicate a left frontal-temporal-parietal network for sentence processing. The majority of studies have focused on sentence comprehension, with fewer in the domain of sentence production, which have not fully elucidated overlapping and/or unique brain structures associated with the two domains, particularly for sentences with noncanonical word order. Using voxel-based lesion symptom mapping (VLSM) we examined the relationship between lesions within the left hemisphere language network and both sentence comprehension and production of simple and complex syntactic structures in 76 participants with chronic stroke-induced aphasia. Results revealed shared regions across domains in the anterior and posterior superior temporal gyri (aSTG, pSTG), and the temporal pole (adjusted for verb production/comprehension). Additionally, comprehension was associated with lesions in the anterior and posterior middle temporal gyri (aMTG, pMTG), the MTG temporooccipital regions, SMG/AG, central and parietal operculum, and the insula. Subsequent VLSM analyses (production versus comprehension) revealed critical regions associated with each domain: anterior temporal lesions were associated with production; posterior temporo-parietal lesions were associated with comprehension, implicating important roles for regions within the ventral and dorsal stream processing routes, respectively. Processing of syntactically complex, noncanonical (adjusted for canonical), sentences was associated with damage to the pSTG across domains, with additional damage to the pMTG and IPL associated with impaired sentence comprehension, suggesting that the pSTG is crucial for computing noncanonical sentences across domains and that the pMTG, and IPL are necessary for re-analysis of thematic roles as required for resolution of long-distance dependencies. These findings converge with previous studies and extend our knowledge of the neural mechanisms of sentence comprehension to production, highlighting critical regions associated with both domains, and further address the mechanism engaged for syntactic computation, controlled for the contribution of verb processing.

Both activation and deactivation of functional networks support increased sentence processing costs

The research on the neural correlates underlying the language system has gradually moved away from the traditional Broca-Wernicke framework to a network perspective in the past 15 years. Language processing is found to be supported by the co-activation of both core and peripheral brain regions. However, the dynamic co-activation patterns of these brain regions serving different language functions remain to be fully revealed. The present functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) study focused on sentence processing at different syntactic complexity levels to examine how the co-activation of different brain networks will be modulated by increased processing costs. Chinese relative clauses were used to probe the two dimensions of syntactic complexity: embeddedness (left-branching vs. center-embedded) and gap-filler dependency (subject-gap vs. object-gap) using the general linear model (GLM) approach, independent component analysis (ICA) and graph theoretical analysis. In contrast to localized activation revealed by the GLM approach, ICA identified more extensive networks both positively and negatively correlated with the task. We found that the posterior default mode network was anti-correlated to the gap-filler integration costs with increased deactivation for the left-branching object relative clauses compared to subject relative clauses, suggesting the involvement of this network in leveraging the cognitive resources based on the complexity level of the language task. Concurrent activation and deactivation of networks were found to be associated with the higher costs induced by center-embedding and its interaction with gap-filler integration. The graph theoretical analysis further unveiled that center-embeddedness imposed more attentional demand on the subject relative clause, as characterized by its higher degree and strength in the ventral attention network, and higher processing costs of syntactic reanalysis on the object relative clause, as characterized by increased intermodular connections of the language network with other networks. The results suggest that network activation and deactivation profiles are modulated by different dimensions of syntactic complexity to serve the higher demand of creating a coherent semantic representation.

Speaking in the Brain: The Interaction between Words and Syntax in Sentence Production

This neuroimaging study investigated the neural infrastructure of sentence-level language production. We compared brain activation patterns, as measured with BOLD-fMRI, during production of sentences that differed in verb argument structures (intransitives, transitives, ditransitives) and the lexical status of the verb (known verbs or pseudoverbs). The experiment consisted of 30 mini-blocks of six sentences each. Each mini-block started with an example for the type of sentence to be produced in that block. On each trial in the mini-blocks, participants were first given the (pseudo-)verb followed by three geometric shapes to serve as verb arguments in the sentences. Production of sentences with known verbs yielded greater activation compared to sentences with pseudoverbs in the core language network of the left inferior frontal gyrus, the left posterior middle temporal gyrus, and a more posterior middle temporal region extending into the angular gyrus, analogous to effects observed in language comprehension. Increasing the number of verb arguments led to greater activation in an overlapping left posterior middle temporal gyrus/angular gyrus area, particularly for known verbs, as well as in the bilateral precuneus. Thus, producing sentences with more complex structures using existing verbs leads to increased activation in the language network, suggesting some reliance on memory retrieval of stored lexical-syntactic information during sentence production. This study thus provides evidence from sentence-level language production in line with functional models of the language network that have so far been mainly based on single-word production, comprehension, and language processing in aphasia.

The Cortical Organization of Syntax

Syntax, the structure of sentences, enables humans to express an infinite range of meanings through finite means. The neurobiology of syntax has been intensely studied but with little consensus. Two main candidate regions have been identified: the posterior inferior frontal gyrus (pIFG) and the posterior middle temporal gyrus (pMTG). Integrating research in linguistics, psycholinguistics, and neuroscience, we propose a neuroanatomical framework for syntax that attributes distinct syntactic computations to these regions in a unified model. The key theoretical advances are adopting a modern lexicalized view of syntax in which the lexicon and syntactic rules are intertwined, and recognizing a computational asymmetry in the role of syntax during comprehension and production. Our model postulates a hierarchical lexical-syntactic function to the pMTG, which interconnects previously identified speech perception and conceptual-semantic systems in the temporal and inferior parietal lobes, crucial for both sentence production and comprehension. These relational hierarchies are transformed via the pIFG into morpho-syntactic sequences, primarily tied to production. We show how this architecture provides a better account of the full range of data and is consistent with recent proposals regarding the organization of phonological processes in the brain.

Dissociating the neural correlates of the sociality and plausibility effects in simple conceptual combination

Neuroimaging studies have indicated that a brain network distributed in the supramodal cortical regions of the frontal, temporal, and parietal lobes plays a central role in conceptual processing. The activation of this network is modulated by two orthogonal dimensions in conceptual processing-the semantic features of individual concepts and the meaningfulness of conceptual combinations-but it remains unclear how the network is functionally organized along these two dimensions. In this fMRI study, we focused on two specific factors, i.e. the social semantic richness of words and the semantic plausibility of word combinations, along the two dimensions. In literature, the distributions of the effects of the two factors are very similar, but have not been rigorously compared in one study. We orthogonally manipulated the two factors in a phrase comprehension task and found a clear dissociation between their effects. The combination of these results with our previous findings reveals three adjacently distributed subnetworks of the supramodal semantic network, associated with the sociality effect, imageability effect, and semantic plausibility effect, respectively. Further analysis of the resting-state functional connectivity data indicated that the functional dissociation among the three subnetworks is associated with their underlying intrinsic connectivity structures.

Dissociation between frontal and temporal-parietal contributions to connected speech in acute stroke

Humans are uniquely able to retrieve and combine words into syntactic structure to produce connected speech. Previous identification of focal brain regions necessary for production focused primarily on associations with the content produced by speakers with chronic stroke, where function may have shifted to other regions after reorganization occurred. Here, we relate patterns of brain damage with deficits to the content and structure of spontaneous connected speech in 52 speakers during the acute stage of a left hemisphere stroke. Multivariate lesion behaviour mapping demonstrated that damage to temporal-parietal regions impacted the ability to retrieve words and produce them within increasingly complex combinations. Damage primarily to inferior frontal cortex affected the production of syntactically accurate structure. In contrast to previous work, functional-anatomical dissociations did not depend on lesion size likely because acute lesions were smaller than typically found in chronic stroke. These results are consistent with predictions from theoretical models based primarily on evidence from language comprehension and highlight the importance of investigating individual differences in brain-language relationships in speakers with acute stroke.

Brain Damage Associated with Impaired Sentence Processing in Acute Aphasia

Left-hemisphere brain damage commonly affects patients' abilities to produce and comprehend syntactic structures, a condition typically referred to as "agrammatism." The neural correlates of agrammatism remain disputed in the literature, and distributed areas have been implicated as important predictors of performance, for example, Broca's area, anterior temporal areas, and temporo-parietal areas. We examined the association between damage to specific language-related ROIs and impaired syntactic processing in acute aphasia. We hypothesized that damage to the posterior middle temporal gyrus, and not Broca's area, would predict syntactic processing abilities. One hundred four individuals with acute aphasia (<20 days poststroke) were included in the study. Structural MRI scans were obtained, and all participants completed a 45-item sentence-picture matching task. We performed an ROI-based stepwise regression analyses to examine the relation between cortical brain damage and impaired comprehension of canonical and noncanonical sentences. Damage to the posterior middle temporal gyrus was the strongest predictor for overall task performance and performance on noncanonical sentences. Damage to the angular gyrus was the strongest predictor for performance on canonical sentences, and damage to the posterior superior temporal gyrus predicted noncanonical scores when performance on canonical sentences was included as a cofactor. Overall, our models showed that damage to temporo-parietal and posterior temporal areas was associated with impaired syntactic comprehension. Our results indicate that the temporo-parietal area is crucially implicated in complex syntactic processing, whereas the role of Broca's area may be complementary.

Neural structures supporting spontaneous and assisted (entrained) speech fluency

Non-fluent speech is one of the most common impairments in post-stroke aphasia. The rehabilitation of non-fluent speech in aphasia is particularly challenging as patients are rarely able to produce and practice fluent speech production. Speech entrainment is a behavioural technique that enables patients with non-fluent aphasia to speak fluently. However, its mechanisms are not well understood and the level of improved fluency with speech entrainment varies among individuals with non-fluent aphasia. In this study, we evaluated the behavioural and neuroanatomical factors associated with better speech fluency with the aid of speech entrainment during the training phase of speech entrainment. We used a lesion-symptom mapping approach to define the relationship between chronic stroke location on MRI and the number of different words per second produced during speech entrainment versus picture description spontaneous speech. The behavioural variable of interest was the speech entrainment/picture description ratio, which, if ≥1, indicated an increase in speech output during speech entrainment compared to picture description. We used machine learning (shallow neural network) to assess the statistical significance and out-of-sample predictive accuracy of the neuroanatomical model, and its regional contributors. We observed that better assisted speech (higher speech entrainment/picture description ratio) was achieved by individuals who had preservation of the posterior middle temporal gyrus, inferior fronto-occipital fasciculus and uncinate fasciculus, while exhibiting lesions in areas typically associated with non-fluent aphasia, such as the superior longitudinal fasciculus, precentral, inferior frontal, supramarginal and insular cortices. Our findings suggest that individuals with dorsal stream damage but preservation of ventral stream structures are more likely to achieve more fluent speech with the aid of speech entrainment compared to spontaneous speech. This observation provides insight into the mechanisms of non-fluent speech in aphasia and has potential implications for future research using speech entrainment for rehabilitation of non-fluent aphasia.

Neurocognitive Recovery of Sentence Processing in Aphasia

Purpose Reorganization of language networks in aphasia takes advantage of the facts that (a) the brain is an organ of plasticity, with neuronal changes occurring throughout the life span, including following brain damage; (b) plasticity is highly experience dependent; and (c) as with any learning system, language reorganization involves a synergistic interplay between organism-intrinsic (i.e., cognitive and brain) and organism-extrinsic (i.e., environmental) variables. A major goal for clinical treatment of aphasia is to be able to prescribe treatment and predict its outcome based on the neurocognitive deficit profiles of individual patients. This review article summarizes the results of research examining the neurocognitive effects of psycholinguistically based treatment (i.e., Treatment of Underlying Forms; Thompson & Shapiro, 2005) for sentence processing impairments in individuals with chronic agrammatic aphasia resulting from stroke and primary progressive aphasia and addresses both behavioral and brain variables related to successful treatment outcomes. The influences of lesion volume and location, perfusion (blood flow), and resting-state neural activity on language recovery are also discussed as related to recovery of agrammatism and other language impairments. Based on these and other data, principles for promoting neuroplasticity of language networks are presented. Conclusions Sentence processing treatment results in improved comprehension and production of complex syntactic structures in chronic agrammatism and generalization to less complex, linguistically related structures in chronic agrammatism. Patients also show treatment-induced shifts toward normal-like online sentence processing routines (based on eye movement data) and changes in neural recruitment patterns (based on functional neuroimaging), with posttreatment activation of regions overlapping with those within sentence processing and dorsal attention networks engaged by neurotypical adults performing the same task. These findings provide compelling evidence that treatment focused on principles of neuroplasticity promotes neurocognitive recovery in chronic agrammatic aphasia. Presentation Videohttps://doi.org/10.23641/asha.10257587.

Verb-argument integration in primary progressive aphasia: Real-time argument access and selection

BACKGROUND

Impaired sentence comprehension is observed in the three major subtypes of PPA, with distinct performance patterns relating to impairments in comprehending complex sentences in the agrammatic (PPA-G) and logopenic (PPA-L) variants and word comprehension in the semantic subtype (PPA-S). However, little is known about basic combinatory processes during sentence comprehension in PPA, such the integration of verbs with their subject and object(s) (verb-argument integration).

METHODS

The present study used visual-world eye-tracking to examine real-time verb-argument integration in individuals with PPA (12 with PPA-G, 10 with PPA-L, and 6 with PPA-S) and neurotypical older adults (15). Two baseline experiments probed eye movement control, using a non-linguistic task, and noun comprehension, respectively. Two verb-argument integration experiments examined the effects of verb meaning on (a) lexical access of the verb's direct object (argument access) and (b) selection of a semantically-appropriate direct object (argument selection), respectively. Eye movement analyses were conducted only for trials with correct behavioral responses, allowing us to distinguish accuracy and online processing.

RESULTS

The eye movement control experiment revealed no significant impairments in PPA, whereas the noun comprehension experiment revealed reduced accuracy and eye-movement latencies in PPA-S, and to a lesser extent PPA-G. In the argument access experiment, verb meaning facilitated argument access normally in PPA-G and PPA-L; in PPA-S, verb-meaning effects emerged on an atypical time course. In the argument selection experiment, significant impairments in accuracy were observed only in PPA-G, accompanied by markedly atypical eye movement patterns.

CONCLUSION

This study revealed two distinct patterns of impaired verb-argument integration in PPA. In PPA-S, impaired verb-argument integration was observed in the argument access experiment, indicating impairments in basic semantic combinatory processes which likely relate to damage in ventral language pathways. In contrast, listeners with PPA-G showed marked impairments of argument selection, likely relating to damage to left inferior frontal regions.

Recovery of offline and online sentence processing in aphasia: Language and domain-general network neuroplasticity

This paper examined the effects of treatment on both offline and online sentence processing and associated neuroplasticity within sentence processing and dorsal attention networks in chronic stroke-induced agrammatic aphasia. Twenty-three neurotypical adults and 19 individuals with aphasia served as participants. Aphasic individuals were randomly assigned to receive a 12-week course of linguistically-based treatment of passive sentence production and comprehension (N = 14, treatment group) or to serve as control participants (N = 5, natural history group). Both aphasic groups performed two offline tasks at baseline and three months following (at post-testing) to assess production and comprehension of trained passive structures and untrained syntactically related and unrelated structures. The aphasic participants and a healthy age-matched group also performed an online eyetracking comprehension task and a picture-verification fMRI task, which were repeated at post-testing for the aphasic groups. Results showed that individuals in the treatment, but not in the natural history, group improved on production and comprehension of both trained structures and untrained syntactically related structures. Treatment also resulted in a shift toward more normal-like eye movements and a significant increase in neural activation from baseline to post-testing. Upregulation encompassed right hemisphere regions homologs of left hemisphere regions involved in both sentence processing and domain-general functions and was positively correlated with treatment gains, as measured by offline comprehension accuracy, and with changes in processing strategies during sentence comprehension, as measured by eyetracking. These findings provide compelling evidence in favor of the contribution of both networks within the right hemisphere to the restoration of normal-like sentence processing patterns in chronic aphasia.

Neurocognitive correlates of category ambiguous verb processing: The single versus dual lexical entry hypotheses

Word-class ambiguous words engender greater processing time and fMRI (BOLD signal) activation than unambiguous ones. Theoretical accounts of this phenomenon suggest that words with multiple meanings (1) are associated with multiple lexical entries and thus require greater selection demands, or (2) undergo computationally expensive grammatical processes that convert words from one word-class to another. Using an fMRI grammaticality judgment task, we tested these accounts by examining word-class ambiguous polysemic (e.g., brush) and homonymic (e.g., bear) verbs, and unambiguous verbs (e.g., bake). Results showed that ambiguous verbs evoked longer response times and greater neural activation in the left inferior frontal and parietal gyri. However, homonymic verbs also showed increased left inferior frontal and temporal neural activations compared to polysemic verbs. This indicates that rather than having multiple lexical representations like homonyms, polysemic verbs may share a core representation with their noun counterparts.

Cortical and structural-connectivity damage correlated with impaired syntactic processing in aphasia

Agrammatism in aphasia is not a homogeneous syndrome, but a characterization of a nonuniform set of language behaviors in which grammatical markers and complex syntactic structures are omitted, simplified, or misinterpreted. In a sample of 71 left-hemisphere stroke survivors, syntactic processing was quantified with the Northwestern Assessment of Verbs and Sentences (NAVS). Classification analyses were used to assess the relation between NAVS performance and morphosyntactically reduced speech in picture descriptions. Voxel-based and connectivity-based lesion-symptom mapping were applied to investigate neural correlates of impaired syntactic processing. Despite a nonrandom correspondence between NAVS performance and morphosyntactic production deficits, there was variation in individual patterns of syntactic processing. Morphosyntactically reduced production was predicted by lesions to left-hemisphere inferior frontal cortex. Impaired verb argument structure production was predicted by damage to left-hemisphere posterior superior temporal and angular gyrus, as well as to a ventral pathway between temporal and frontal cortex. Damage to this pathway was also predictive of impaired sentence comprehension and production, particularly of noncanonical sentences. Although agrammatic speech production is primarily predicted by lesions to inferior frontal cortex, other aspects of syntactic processing rely rather on regional integrity in temporoparietal cortex and the ventral stream.

Neural Connectivity in Syntactic Movement Processing

Linguistic theory suggests non-canonical sentences subvert the dominant agent-verb-theme order in English via displacement of sentence constituents to argument (NP-movement) or non-argument positions (wh-movement). Both processes have been associated with the left inferior frontal gyrus and posterior superior temporal gyrus, but differences in neural activity and connectivity between movement types have not been investigated. In the current study, functional magnetic resonance imaging data were acquired from 21 adult participants during an auditory sentence-picture verification task using passive and active sentences contrasted to isolate NP-movement, and object- and subject-cleft sentences contrasted to isolate wh-movement. Then, functional magnetic resonance imaging data from regions common to both movement types were entered into a dynamic causal modeling analysis to examine effective connectivity for wh-movement and NP-movement. Results showed greater left inferior frontal gyrus activation for Wh > NP-movement, but no activation for NP > Wh-movement. Both types of movement elicited activity in the opercular part of the left inferior frontal gyrus, left posterior superior temporal gyrus, and left medial superior frontal gyrus. The dynamic causal modeling analyses indicated that neither movement type significantly modulated the connection from the left inferior frontal gyrus to the left posterior superior temporal gyrus, nor vice-versa, suggesting no connectivity differences between wh- and NP-movement. These findings support the idea that increased complexity of wh-structures, compared to sentences with NP-movement, requires greater engagement of cognitive resources via increased neural activity in the left inferior frontal gyrus, but both movement types engage similar neural networks.

Neural networks for sentence comprehension and production: An ALE-based meta-analysis of neuroimaging studies

Comprehending and producing sentences is a complex endeavor requiring the coordinated activity of multiple brain regions. We examined three issues related to the brain networks underlying sentence comprehension and production in healthy individuals: First, which regions are recruited for sentence comprehension and sentence production? Second, are there differences for auditory sentence comprehension vs. visual sentence comprehension? Third, which regions are specifically recruited for the comprehension of syntactically complex sentences? Results from activation likelihood estimation (ALE) analyses (from 45 studies) implicated a sentence comprehension network occupying bilateral frontal and temporal lobe regions. Regions implicated in production (from 15 studies) overlapped with the set of regions associated with sentence comprehension in the left hemisphere, but did not include inferior frontal cortex, and did not extend to the right hemisphere. Modality differences between auditory and visual sentence comprehension were found principally in the temporal lobes. Results from the analysis of complex syntax (from 37 studies) showed engagement of left inferior frontal and posterior temporal regions, as well as the right insula. The involvement of the right hemisphere in the comprehension of these structures has potentially important implications for language treatment and recovery in individuals with agrammatic aphasia following left hemisphere brain damage.

Relational vs. attributive interpretation of nominal compounds differentially engages angular gyrus and anterior temporal lobe

The angular gyrus (AG) and anterior temporal lobe (ATL) have been found to respond to a number of tasks involving combinatorial processing. In this study, we investigate the conceptual combination of nominal compounds, and ask whether ATL/AG activity is modulated by the type of combinatorial operation applied to a nominal compound. We compare relational and attributive interpretations of nominal compounds and find that ATL and AG both discriminate these two types, but in distinct ways. While right AG demonstrated greater positive task-responsive activity for relational compounds, there was a greater negative deflection in the BOLD response in left AG for relational compounds. In left ATL, we found an earlier peak in subjects' BOLD response curves for attributive interpretations. In other words, we observed dissociations in both AG and ATL between relational and attributive nominal compounds, with regard to magnitude in the former and to timing in the latter. These findings expand on prior studies that posit roles for both AG and ATL in conceptual processing generally, and in conceptual combination specifically, by indicating possible functional specializations of these two regions within a larger conceptual knowledge network.

Task-dependent neural and behavioral effects of verb argument structure features

Understanding which verb argument structure (VAS) features (if any) are part of verbs' lexical entries and under which conditions they are accessed provides information on the nature of lexical representations and sentence construction. We investigated neural and behavioral effects of three understudied VAS characteristics (number of subcategorization options, number of thematic options and overall number of valency frames) in lexical decision and sentence well-formedness judgment in healthy adults. VAS effects showed strong dependency on processing conditions. As reflected by behavioral performance and neural recruitment patterns, increased VAS complexity in terms of subcategorization options and thematic options had a detrimental effect on sentence processing, but facilitated lexical access to single words, possibly by providing more lexico-semantic associations and access routes (facilitation through complexity). Effects of the number of valency frames are equivocal. We suggest that VAS effects may be mediated semantically rather than by a dedicated VAS module in verbs' representations.

The Semantics of Syntax: The Grounding of Transitive and Intransitive Constructions

Embodied theories of language maintain that brain areas associated with perception and action are also involved in the processing and representation of word meaning. A number of studies have shown that sentences with action verbs elicit activation within sensory–motor brain regions, arguing that sentence-induced mental simulations provide a means for grounding their lexical-semantic meaning. Constructionist theories argue, however, that form–meaning correspondence is present not only at the lexical level but also at the level of constructions. We investigated whether sentence-induced motor resonance is present for syntactic constructions. We measured the BOLD signal while participants read sentences with (di)transitive (caused motion) or intransitive constructions that contained either action or abstract verbs. The results showed a distinct neuronal signature for caused motion and intransitive syntactic frames. Caused motion frames activated regions associated with reaching and grasping actions, including the left anterior intraparietal sulcus and the parietal reach region. Intransitive frames activated lateral temporal regions commonly associated with abstract word processing. The left pars orbitalis showed an interaction between the syntactic frame and verb class. These findings show that sensory–motor activation elicited by sentences entails both motor resonance evoked by single words as well as at the level of syntactic constructions.

Compositionality and the angular gyrus: A multi-voxel similarity analysis of the semantic composition of nouns and verbs

The cognitive and neural systems that enable conceptual processing must support the ability to combine (and recombine) concepts to form an infinite number of ideas. Two candidate neural systems for conceptual combination-the left anterior temporal lobe (ATL) and the left angular gyrus (AG)-have been characterized as "semantic hubs" due to both functional and anatomical properties; however, these two regions likely support different aspects of composition. Here we consider two hypotheses for the role of AG in conceptual combination, both of which differ from a putative role for the ATL in "feature-based" combinatorics (i.e., meaning derived by combining concepts' features). Firstly, we examine whether AG is more sensitive to function-argument relations of the sort that arise when a predicate is combined with its arguments. Secondly, we examine the non-mutually exclusive possibility that AG represents information carried on a verb in particular, whether this be information about event composition or about thematic relations denoted uniquely by verbs. We identified voxels that respond differentially to two-word versus one-word stimuli, and we measured the similarity of the patterns in these voxels evoked by (1) pairs of two-word phrases that shared a noun that was an argument, thus sharing function-argument composition (e.g. eats meat and with meat), in comparison with two-word phrases that shared only a noun, not an argument (e.g., eats meat and tasty meat); and (2) stimulus pairs that shared only an event (operationalized here as sharing a verb; e.g. eats meat and eats quickly), in comparison to both of the above. We found that activity patterns in left AG tracked information relating to the presence of an event-denoting verb in a pair of two-word phrases. We also found that the neural similarity in AG voxel patterns between two phrases sharing a verb correlated with subjects' ratings of how similar the meanings of those two verb phrases were. These findings indicate that AG represents information specific to verbs, perhaps event structure or thematic relations mediated by verbs, as opposed to argument structure in general.

Thematic role assignment in the posterior parietal cortex: A TMS study

Verbs denote relations between entities acting a role in an event. Thematic roles are essential to the correct use of verbs and involve both semantic and syntactic aspects. We used repetitive Transcranial Magnetic Stimulation (rTMS) to study the involvement of three different left parietal sites in the understanding of thematic roles. In a sentence-to-picture matching task, twelve participants were asked to judge whether or not a given picture matched with a written sentence. Pictures represented simple reversible actions, and sentences were in the active or passive diathesis. Whereas both active and passive sentences require the correct encoding of thematic roles, passives also imply thematic reanalysis, as the canonical order of thematic roles is systematically reversed. The experiment was divided in three sessions. In each session a different parietal site (anterior, middle, posterior) was stimulated at 5 Hz in an event-related fashion, time-locked to the presentation of visual stimuli. Results showed increased accuracy for passive sentences following posterior parietal stimulation. The effect appeared to be (a) TMS-related, as no effect was observed in a control, no-TMS experiment with eighteen new participants; (b) independent from semantic processes involved in word-picture association, as no TMS-related effects were observed in a picture-word matching task. We interpret the results as showing that the posterior parietal site is specifically involved in the assignment of thematic roles, in particular when the correct interpretation of a sentence requires reanalysis of temporarily encoded thematic roles, as in passive reversible sentences.

How the brain processes different dimensions of argument structure complexity: evidence from fMRI

Verbs are central to sentence processing, as they encode argument structure (AS) information, i.e., information about the syntax and interpretation of the phrases accompanying them. The behavioral and neural correlates of AS processing have primarily been investigated in sentence-level tasks, requiring both verb processing and verb-argument integration. In the current functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) study, we investigated AS processing using a lexical decision task requiring only verb processing. We examined three aspects of AS complexity: number of thematic roles, number of thematic options, and mapping (non)canonicity (unaccusative vs. unergative and transitive verbs). Increased number of thematic roles elicited greater activation in the left posterior perisylvian regions claimed to support access to stored AS representations. However, the number of thematic options had no neural effects. Further, unaccusative verbs elicited longer response times and increased activation in the left inferior frontal gyrus, reflecting the processing cost of unaccusative verbs and, more generally, supporting the role of the IFG in noncanonical argument mapping.

Grammatical Impairments in PPA

BACKGROUND

Grammatical impairments are commonly observed in the agrammatic subtype of primary progressive aphasia (PPA-G), whereas grammatical processing is relatively preserved in logopenic (PPA-L) and semantic (PPA-S) subtypes.

AIMS

We review research on grammatical deficits in PPA and associated neural mechanisms, with discussion focused on production and comprehension of four aspects of morphosyntactic structure: grammatical morphology, functional categories, verbs and verb argument structure, and complex syntactic structures. We also address assessment of grammatical deficits in PPA, with emphasis on behavioral tests of grammatical processing. Finally, we address research examining the effects of treatment for progressive grammatical impairments.

MAIN CONTRIBUTION

PPA-G is associated with grammatical deficits that are evident across linguistic domains in both production and comprehension. PPA-G is associated with damage to regions including the left inferior frontal gyrus (IFG) and dorsal white matter tracts, which have been linked to impaired comprehension and production of complex sentences. Detailing grammatical deficits in PPA is important for estimating the trajectory of language decline and associated neuropathology. We, therefore, highlight several new assessment tools for examining different aspects of morphosyntactic processing in PPA.

CONCLUSIONS

Individuals with PPA-G present with agrammatic deficit patterns distinct from those associated with PPA-L and PPA-S, but similar to those seen in agrammatism resulting from stroke, and patterns of cortical atrophy and white matter changes associated with PPA-G have been identified. Methods for clinical evaluation of agrammatism, focusing on comprehension and production of grammatical morphology, functional categories, verbs and verb argument structure, and complex syntactic structures are recommended and tools for this are emerging in the literature. Further research is needed to investigate the real-time processes underlying grammatical impairments in PPA, as well as the structural and functional neural correlates of grammatical impairments across linguistic domains. Few studies have examined the effects of treatment for grammatical impairments in PPA; research in this area is needed to better understand how (or if) grammatical processing ability can be improved, the potential for spared neural tissue to be recruited to support this, and whether the neural connections within areas of dysfunctional tissue required for grammatical processing can be enhanced using cortical stimulation.

The neural correlates of agrammatism: Evidence from aphasic and healthy speakers performing an overt picture description task

Functional brain imaging studies have improved our knowledge of the neural localization of language functions and the functional reorganization after a lesion. However, the neural correlates of agrammatic symptoms in aphasia remain largely unknown. The present fMRI study examined the neural correlates of morpho-syntactic encoding and agrammatic errors in continuous language production by combining three approaches. First, the neural mechanisms underlying natural morpho-syntactic processing in a picture description task were analyzed in 15 healthy speakers. Second, agrammatic-like speech behavior was induced in the same group of healthy speakers to study the underlying functional processes by limiting the utterance length. In a third approach, five agrammatic participants performed the picture description task to gain insights in the neural correlates of agrammatism and the functional reorganization of language processing after stroke. In all approaches, utterances were analyzed for syntactic completeness, complexity, and morphology. Event-related data analysis was conducted by defining every clause-like unit (CLU) as an event with its onset-time and duration. Agrammatic and correct CLUs were contrasted. Due to the small sample size as well as heterogeneous lesion sizes and sites with lesion foci in the insula lobe, inferior frontal, superior temporal and inferior parietal areas the activation patterns in the agrammatic speakers were analyzed on a single subject level. In the group of healthy speakers, posterior temporal and inferior parietal areas were associated with greater morpho-syntactic demands in complete and complex CLUs. The intentional manipulation of morpho-syntactic structures and the omission of function words were associated with additional inferior frontal activation. Overall, the results revealed that the investigation of the neural correlates of agrammatic language production can be reasonably conducted with an overt language production paradigm.

Predication drives verb cortical signatures

Verbs and nouns are fundamental units of language, but their neural instantiation remains poorly understood. Neuropsychological research has shown that nouns and verbs can be damaged independently of each other, and neuroimaging research has found that several brain regions respond differentially to the two word classes. However, the semantic-lexical properties of verbs and nouns that drive these effects remain unknown. Here we show that the most likely candidate is predication: a core lexical feature involved in binding constituent arguments (boy, candies) into a unified syntactic-semantic structure expressing a proposition (the boy likes the candies). We used functional neuroimaging to test whether the intrinsic "predication-building" function of verbs is what drives the verb-noun distinction in the brain. We first identified verb-preferring regions with a localizer experiment including verbs and nouns. Then, we examined whether these regions are sensitive to transitivity--an index measuring its tendency to select for a direct object. Transitivity is a verb-specific property lying at the core of its predication function. Neural activity in the left posterior middle temporal and inferior frontal gyri correlates with transitivity, indicating sensitivity to predication. This represents the first evidence that grammatical class preference in the brain is driven by a word's function to build predication structures.

Parallel functional category deficits in clauses and nominal phrases: The case of English agrammatism

Individuals with agrammatic aphasia exhibit restricted patterns of impairment of functional morphemes, however, syntactic characterization of the impairment is controversial. Previous studies have focused on functional morphology in clauses only. This study extends the empirical domain by testing functional morphemes in English nominal phrases in aphasia and comparing patients' impairment to their impairment of functional morphemes in English clauses. In the linguistics literature, it is assumed that clauses and nominal phrases are structurally parallel but exhibit inflectional differences. The results of the present study indicated that aphasic speakers evinced similar impairment patterns in clauses and nominal phrases. These findings are consistent with the Distributed Morphology Hypothesis (DMH), suggesting that the source of functional morphology deficits among agrammatics relates to difficulty implementing rules that convert inflectional features into morphemes. Our findings, however, are inconsistent with the Tree Pruning Hypothesis (TPH), which suggests that patients have difficulty building complex hierarchical structures.

Distinguishable neural correlates of verbs and nouns: a MEG study on homonyms

The dissociability of nouns and verbs and of their morphosyntactic operations has been firmly established by lesion data. However, the hypothesis that they are processed by distinct neural substrates is inconsistently supported by neuroimaging studies. We tackled this issue in a silent reading experiment during MEG. Participants silently read noun/verb homonyms in minimal syntactic context: article-noun (NPs), pronoun-verb (VPs) (e.g., il ballo/i balli, the dance/the dances; io ballo/tu balli, I dance/you dance). Homonyms allow to rule out prelexical or postlexical nuisance factors-they are orthographically and phonologically identical, but serve different grammatical functions depending on context. Under these experimental conditions, different activity to nouns and verbs can be confidently attributed to representational/processing distinctions. At the sensor level, three components of event-related magnetic fields were observed for the function word and four for the content word, but Global Field Power (GFP) analysis only showed differences between VPs and NPs at several but very short time windows. By contrast, source level analysis based on Minimum Norm Estimates (MNE) yielded significantly greater activity for VPs in left frontal areas and in a left frontoparietal network at late time windows (380-397 and 393-409 ms). These results are fully consistent with lesion data, and show that verbs and nouns are processed differently in the brain. Frontal and parietal activation to verbs might correspond to morphosyntactic processes and to working memory recruitment (or thematic role assignment), respectively. Findings are consistent with the view that nouns and verbs and their morphosyntactic operations involve at least partially distinct neural substrates. However, they do not entirely rule out that nouns and verbs are processed in a shared neural substrate, and that differences result from greater complexity of verbal morphosyntax.

Training verb argument structure production in agrammatic aphasia: behavioral and neural recovery patterns

INTRODUCTION

Neuroimaging and lesion studies indicate a left hemisphere network for verb and verb argument structure processing, involving both frontal and temporoparietal brain regions. Although their verb comprehension is generally unimpaired, it is well known that individuals with agrammatic aphasia often present with verb production deficits, characterized by an argument structure complexity hierarchy, indicating faulty access to argument structure representations for production and integration into syntactic contexts. Recovery of verb processing in agrammatism, however, has received little attention and no studies have examined the neural mechanisms associated with improved verb and argument structure processing. In the present study we trained agrammatic individuals on verbs with complex argument structure in sentence contexts and examined generalization to verbs with less complex argument structure. The neural substrates of improved verb production were examined using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI).

METHODS

Eight individuals with chronic agrammatic aphasia participated in the study (four experimental and four control participants). Production of three-argument verbs in active sentences was trained using a sentence generation task emphasizing the verb's argument structure and the thematic roles of sentential noun phrases. Before and after training, production of trained and untrained verbs was tested in naming and sentence production and fMRI scans were obtained, using an action naming task.

RESULTS

Significant pre- to post-training improvement in trained and untrained (one- and two-argument) verbs was found for treated, but not control, participants, with between-group differences found for verb naming, production of verbs in sentences, and production of argument structure. fMRI activation derived from post-treatment compared to pre-treatment scans revealed upregulation in cortical regions implicated for verb and argument structure processing in healthy controls.

CONCLUSIONS

Training verb deficits emphasizing argument structure and thematic role mapping is effective for improving verb and sentence production and results in recruitment of neural networks engaged for verb and argument structure processing in healthy individuals.

The neural substrates of complex argument structure representations: Processing 'alternating transitivity' verbs

This study examines the neural correlates of processing verbal entries with multiple argument structures using fMRI. We compared brain activation in response to 'alternating transitivity' verbs, corresponding to two different verbal alternates - one transitive and one intransitive - and simple verbs, with only one, intransitive, thematic grid. Fourteen young healthy participants performed a lexical decision task with the two verb types. Results showed significantly greater activation in the angular and supramarginal gyri (BAs 39 and 40) extending to the posterior superior and middle temporal gyri bilaterally, for alternating compared to simple verbs. Additional activation was detected in bilateral middle and superior frontal gyri (BAs 8 and 9). The opposite contrast, simple compared to alternating verbs, showed no significant differential activation in any regions of the brain. These findings are consistent with previous studies implicating a posterior network including the superior temporal, supramarginal and angular gyri for processing verbs with multiple thematic roles, as well as with those suggesting involvement of the middle and superior frontal gyri in lexical ambiguity processing. However, because 'alternating transitivity' verbs differ from simple intransitives with regard to both the number of thematic grids (two vs. one) and the number of thematic roles (two vs. one), our findings do not distinguish between activations associated with these two differences.

Neural correlates of processing passive sentences

Previous research has shown that comprehension of complex sentences involving wh-movement (e.g., object-relative clauses) elicits activation in the left inferior frontal gyrus (IFG) and left posterior temporal cortex. However, relatively little is known about the neural correlates of processing passive sentences, which differ from other complex sentences in terms of representation (i.e., noun phrase (NP)-movement) and processing (i.e., the time course of syntactic reanalysis). In the present study, 27 adults (14 younger and 13 older) listened to passive and active sentences and performed a sentence-picture verification task using functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging (fMRI). Passive sentences, relative to active sentences, elicited greater activation in bilateral IFG and left temporo-occipital regions. Participant age did not significantly affect patterns of activation. Consistent with previous research, activation in left temporo-occipital cortex likely reflects thematic reanalysis processes, whereas, activation in the left IFG supports processing of complex syntax (i.e., NP-movement). Right IFG activation may reflect syntactic reanalysis processing demands associated with the sentence-picture verification task.

Clustering the lexicon in the brain: a meta-analysis of the neurofunctional evidence on noun and verb processing

Although it is widely accepted that nouns and verbs are functionally independent linguistic entities, it is less clear whether their processing recruits different brain areas. This issue is particularly relevant for those theories of lexical semantics (and, more in general, of cognition) that suggest the embodiment of abstract concepts, i.e., based strongly on perceptual and motoric representations. This paper presents a formal meta-analysis of the neuroimaging evidence on noun and verb processing in order to address this dichotomy more effectively at the anatomical level. We used a hierarchical clustering algorithm that grouped fMRI/PET activation peaks solely on the basis of spatial proximity. Cluster specificity for grammatical class was then tested on the basis of the noun-verb distribution of the activation peaks included in each cluster. Thirty-two clusters were identified: three were associated with nouns across different tasks (in the right inferior temporal gyrus, the left angular gyrus, and the left inferior parietal gyrus); one with verbs across different tasks (in the posterior part of the right middle temporal gyrus); and three showed verb specificity in some tasks and noun specificity in others (in the left and right inferior frontal gyrus and the left insula). These results do not support the popular tenets that verb processing is predominantly based in the left frontal cortex and noun processing relies specifically on temporal regions; nor do they support the idea that verb lexical-semantic representations are heavily based on embodied motoric information. Our findings suggest instead that the cerebral circuits deputed to noun and verb processing lie in close spatial proximity in a wide network including frontal, parietal, and temporal regions. The data also indicate a predominant-but not exclusive-left lateralization of the network.

Neuroimaging in aphasia treatment research: consensus and practical guidelines for data analysis

Functional magnetic resonance imaging is the most widely used imaging technique to study treatment-induced recovery in post-stroke aphasia. The longitudinal design of such studies adds to the challenges researchers face when studying patient populations with brain damage in cross-sectional settings. The present review focuses on issues specifically relevant to neuroimaging data analysis in aphasia treatment research identified in discussions among international researchers at the Neuroimaging in Aphasia Treatment Research Workshop held at Northwestern University (Evanston, Illinois, USA). In particular, we aim to provide the reader with a critical review of unique problems related to the pre-processing, statistical modeling and interpretation of such data sets. Despite the fact that data analysis procedures critically depend on specific design features of a given study, we aim to discuss and communicate a basic set of practical guidelines that should be applicable to a wide range of studies and useful as a reference for researchers pursuing this line of research.